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-   -   Revolution in Tunisia & Egypt, Protests in Libya, Bahrain, Oman & Yemen (https://thetfp.com/tfp/tilted-politics/163672-revolution-tunisia-egypt-protests-libya-bahrain-oman-yemen.html)

ring 02-11-2011 11:31 AM

Yes indeed. Me too, intoxicated by the sound of revolution on that feed.

http://i253.photobucket.com/albums/h...ingy/egypt.jpg

aceventura3 02-11-2011 01:30 PM

Quote:

Originally Posted by filtherton (Post 2871871)
Ever considered that perhaps you're mistaken about what they're fighting for? Or maybe you might not be in the best position to judge their strategy?

Yes.

---------- Post added at 09:30 PM ---------- Previous post was at 09:25 PM ----------

Quote:

Originally Posted by powerclown (Post 2871882)
Come on Egypt!!

There is the potential for a major out-flow of financial capital from Egypt. Egypt is going to need substantial support from capital markets and national governments. In addition I wonder if those talking the most smack are prepared to put their own money where their mouths are and invest in Egypt. One fast way to do it is with an Egyptian ETF like this one.

Quote:

An exchange-traded fund designed to track Egypt is open for business, and has been drawing in money, even though the Egyptian stock market remains closed amid antigovernment protests.

Market Vectors Egypt Index ETF (trading symbol: EGPT) has rebounded about 10% this week after civil unrest triggered a roughly 20% decline.

The ETF was trading after a brief halt Monday morning. The fund has temporarily suspended the creation of new shares, although shares continue to trade hands on the secondary market.

Because Market Vectors Egypt Index ETF is operating similar to a closed-end fund, it can experience premiums and discounts to net asset value, or NAV.

Ed Lopez, marketing director at manager Van Eck Global, said the ETF was trading at a premium of about 10% on Tuesday morning. In other words, traders were betting on a rebound in Egyptian stocks when the nation's market reopens.

Yet if selling pressure materializes, the Egypt ETF could trade at a discount to NAV.

Market Vectors Egypt Index ETF has seen assets roughly double to about $24 million since last week, he said.

Launched in February 2010, the fund is thinly traded, with daily trading volume rarely exceeding 100,000 shares. Friday, volume exploded to a record 1.2 million shares, as worries over protests in Egypt shook global markets.

The ETF tracks an index intended to give investors a means of tracking the overall performance of companies that are domiciled and primarily listed in Egypt, or that generate at least 50% of revenue in Egypt, according to 4asset-management, the index provider.

Van Eck's Mr. Lopez said some of the ETF's components are traded in other markets, such as London and Canada.

Asked how the ETF is determining NAV while the Egyptian stock market is closed, he said Bank of New York Mellon Corp., the fund's custodian, is responsible for pricing. An ETF official at the bank couldn't be reached to comment. Mr. Lopez said that when determining fair value, factors such as futures prices and other markets may be considered
Egypt ETF Lures Investors - WSJ.com

Willravel 02-11-2011 01:43 PM

The next few months are going to be truly historic. I'm pulling for the Egyptians, I really am.

roachboy 02-11-2011 01:52 PM

i think this is an astonishing and beautiful moment.
there's a lot of faith in the military at the moment floating about in egypt, in part because they managed to get through the revolution without shooting up the people they're supposed to protect---that was the job of the police and interior ministry goons---which loops around to the idea---prevalent in many quarters---that the army benefits from being behind the scenes far more than they would were they to take a role in governing. so---for the moment anyway----it appears that egypt is moving in a radical new direction.

there are already reports that the council will abolish mubarak's puppet government and dissolve parliament---and end the 30 year state of emergency.

as for the next steps---i don't think anyone knows quite yet.

aceventura3 02-11-2011 01:59 PM

Quote:

Originally Posted by roachboy (Post 2871965)
as for the next steps---i don't think anyone knows quite yet.

Everyone with "skin" in the game knows what their next steps are...like I suggested perhaps one of your next steps would be to help mitigate an out-flow of financial capital. that would be a vote of confidence that actual has some meaning.

roachboy 02-11-2011 02:04 PM

i would hope you champions of democracy on the right do exactly as your worldview tells you with capital---and i would hope that your moves get a lot of publicity so that it becomes quite apparent---and publicly so---just what kind of champions of democracy you are. i think it'd be funny. i think lots of people would find it funny. oops, there's whole lot of people who've managed a non-violent revolution in quest of basic freedoms. run away. run away now. bad for business. dictatorship and martial law---we like it. stability uber alles.

Seaver 02-11-2011 02:23 PM

Yeah pretty much as I said at the beginning... the Military would be the decider.

By not cracking down on the protesters, by not entering the fray they have by default thrown their support to the cause. Hopefully they'll actually hand over the power once the vacuum starts.

aceventura3 02-11-2011 02:26 PM

Quote:

Originally Posted by roachboy (Post 2871972)
i would hope you champions of democracy on the right do exactly as your worldview tells you with capital---and i would hope that your moves get a lot of publicity so that it becomes quite apparent---and publicly so---just what kind of champions of democracy you are. i think it'd be funny. i think lots of people would find it funny. oops, there's whole lot of people who've managed a non-violent revolution in quest of basic freedoms. run away. run away now. bad for business. dictatorship and martial law---we like it. stability uber alles.

What are you going to do?

Freedom, democracy is all about individuals making choices, there is no centralized control of world capital markets. Capital flows based on the convictions held by those who control capital. The average Egyptian has virtually nothing, the average American has significantly more and can pressure organizations and government to do more. If you don't know your next move, what was all your rhetoric about? Was it empty?

roachboy 02-12-2011 07:51 AM

that the military was going to run the show was clear from early on--from before even.
the council issued a statement outlining the initial steps this morning.
the mubarak cabinet stays on until another government is appointed. personally, i'm dubious about this, but it's not my show.
i would hope that the next government takes the form the opposition has been demanding and that they are integral to moving toward elections.
it is not in the military's interest to explicitly hold power.

they also affirmed existing treaties and arrangements.


if the capital wants to effectively punish egypt for tossing out a dictator who was good for business---because capital doesn't give a fuck about the nature of political regimes or other piddling things like freedom and human rights, only about continuity of circulation---then let them.


i think this is pretty great, this revolution.
the next moves are uncertain, but that's part of what democratic process is about when the notion of democratic process is more than a synonym for oligarchy.

roachboy 02-12-2011 10:05 AM

btw here's an interesting piece on the structure of the egyptian military:

The vast and complex military machine will decide its nation’s future - Africa, World - The Independent

roachboy 02-13-2011 09:53 AM

the more i am finding out about the egyptian military the more it appears as the elephant in the room---the central patronage system that comprises the oligarchy that dominated the egyptian economy under mubarak---motor of the egyptian economy as the 1.5 billion from the us along percolates out into suppliers and related contractors---an important (though highly stratified) machine for social mobility---a classic post-1945 national security state apparatus.

one of the main things that the egyptian revolution seems to have done is made the power structure explicit. it seems to me that the military has every interest in reducing its own visibility, so it seems likely that they'll carry out the transition---form a functional interim government, address constitutional questions etc.
today the existing constitution was suspended and parliament dissolved---but the cabinet mubarak appointed is still place and is full of allies of mubarak....
and it's hard to see how the state of emergency could be lifted if the constitution is suspended---which is a definition of state of emergency----

but if there's been a state of emergency for 30 years, what meaning is there in suspending the constitution?

i am curious to see whether the legal status of the military is altered under a new constitution. at the moment it does not answer to anyone---it is not subordinated to civilian power---it is a parallel world. the elephant in the room.

aceventura3 02-13-2011 03:24 PM

Quote:

Originally Posted by roachboy (Post 2872193)
if the capital wants to effectively punish egypt for tossing out a dictator who was good for business---because capital doesn't give a fuck about the nature of political regimes or other piddling things like freedom and human rights, only about continuity of circulation---then let them.

Stop being dense. People control the flow of capital. Even you control capital. Capital flows based on what people do with it, including you. If people give a "fuck", there is not going to be a problem. I consider it a form of conviction - when people actually "vote" with their dollars (the fruit of their labor, put their financial future at risk, make short-term sacrifice) for the causes they believe in - it is truly a beautiful thing. Otherwise, sitting on the sidelines cheering or whatever, while others put their lives on the line is b.s. in my book.

And I will say at this point, with my financial "vote", I am on the sidelines and would encourage our government not to provide any financial support until it is clear that Egypt will be run as a real democracy with freedom of speech and religion (including women) for all. That is still an issue unresolved. I think the power vacuum is an unnecessary risk, and military control can prove to be more oppressive than Mubarak and his pledge to continue to lead until free and open elections.

dlish 02-14-2011 02:49 AM

Word on the street is that Mubarak wants to make me his neighbour.

rumours galore amongst the egyptian community here in the UAE that he's moving to Dubai.

He'd probably be safer in israel than an arab country though.

roachboy 02-14-2011 05:01 AM

protests this morning in yemen, iran and bahrain.
algeria on the weekend.

not sure capital can run away from all of them.

meanwhile, things in egypt seem ambiguous. the military is obviously trying to get some handle on tahrir square, shutting down press coverage, attempting to get protestors to leave. at the same time, there is a proliferation of specific actions about pay, corruption and working conditions from the ministry of antiquities to state employees to transit workers.

the protest movement has reportedly formed a council to "protect the revolution"---it's also a form that enables dialogue with the military.

lots of euphoria still about the actions in egypt...personally, i am wary of the military and do not think anything a foregone conclusion in terms of outcomes.

there are reports that mubarak is in a coma, too, btw.

edit: this is a good outline of what revolution ought to mean from this point forward in egypt.

Quote:

Egypt's revolution has just begun
The transition to civilian rule will not be easy - if the military are capable of delivering on their promises.

"Whatever happens, nothing will ever be the same again" – Tahrir Square demonstrator.

Mubarak has fallen. February 11, 2011, has inscribed itself on the page of world history. Now the struggle for the 'heart and soul' of the revolution begins. It's a testing time, and all will be tested.

Test 1: Procedural and institutional change – the establishment of legality

At what point will the uprising be sufficiently secure from counter-revolution to begin construction of a truly transformed democratic polity? What are the minimum security requirements for its immediate defence and subsequent extension? What structural changes will have to be demanded - and fought through to a successful conclusion – in order to neutralise and dis-articulate the still formidable powers of the Mubarak state and its - temporarily silenced - backers?

Test 2: The shape and boundaries of revolutionary democracy – the contours of freedom and the struggles surrounding inclusive or exclusive participation

How will the emergent revolution realise itself, consecrate itself? What shall be its core tasks, boundaries and limits? Who is to be included, who excluded? And on what basis, what grounds? That is to say, how much scope will there turn out to be for accommodation of the previous regime's constitutive 'outsiders' or 'others' – the youth - and women, and organised workers - who have so decisively driven the process to its tipping point; but then, additionally, all those other 'subaltern' sectors and social-confessional groupings that the old regime of power more or less successfully froze as differentiated, isolated, mutually separated and antagonistic identities: Coptic Christians, ethnic minorities, peasant producers, 'tribal' communities, labour immigrants and, finally, those hitherto 'unmentionable deviants' – gays and lesbians – for which Cairo, at least, has always been famous.

The provisional shape that the revolution takes on in the coming months will be determined by emerging struggles and acute antagonisms reflecting the demands of a plurality of political forces and constituencies all seeking a place in the sun in the new democratic Egypt. While the 'naturalisation' of oppressively fixed differences evaporates in the moment of revolution, those tumultuous, heady moments of equal belonging and joyous mutual recognition do not, unfortunately, last forever. When the dust finally settles and Egyptians survey the new landscape of their own making, where will the boundaries of inclusion and exclusion have been drawn?

Let's begin by looking at the issues that define the likely outcomes of Test 1. First, the immediate struggle for survival – of the revolution on the one hand; of the 'Mubarak bloc' on the other. This is critical for obvious reasons: if that bloc cannot be swiftly and decisively defeated – politically isolated, ideologically disarticulated and institutionally broken – then the revolution remains in mortal danger. As things stand, on February 12, 2011, only the head of the regime was cut off. The tentacles remain. So any under-estimation of the capacity for recuperation of power remaining in that wounded octopus could yet prove fatal to the revolution.

Transition - and reconfiguration of the State

With everything now to play for, the transitional role of the army has to be situated in the context of an exhausted model of repression and exploitation fighting for its survival. Let us quickly look at these two dimensions of the transition in turn.

The army

Its role as democratic guarantor and 'neutral' public identity has probably already peaked. With the political burden for shaping the transition now firmly on its shoulders, strategic decisions will very soon have to be taken; and these will quickly reveal the extent to which the most senior officers in the Supreme Military Council have understood the dimensions of the earthquake they are facing. The omens are not good. Military Communique No.1 tersely promised that "all the people's demands will be met". Communique No.2 back-tracked, supporting Mubarak's surprise refusal to step down. Communique No.3 lamented his passing from the stage and praised his heroic contributions to the Egyptian nation.

In short, the current stance of the senior officer cadre reveals an anxious - but still defiantly 'Mubarakite' - resistance to the changes it is meant to be overseeing. The 30-year-old state of emergency remains in place. The generals appear to believe that it is still possible to subject Egypt's democratic masses to paternalist homilies enjoining them to 'leave everything to us'.

Given the impossibility of a violent crackdown - in the short term at least, they will no doubt give maximum tactical priority to the search for 'safe' interlocutors between the power elite and the democratic forces that now confront it head on. But within what longer term strategy of containment will the military leadership continue to act? Something will have to give, and give soon, because the time for a first reckoning up of accounts is just around the corner. Popular aspirations will likely crystallise around a number of key initial demands:

• An immediate lifting of the state of emergency;
• The establishment of a civilian-dominated Transitional Council and Constituent Assembly – to draw up a new constitution - with full participation of representatives put forward by the popular democratic forces;
• All political parties to be legalised, all political prisoners released, labour unions fully recognised and labour legislation revised;
• Mubarak to stand trial;
• The state prosecution service to be purged and reorganised under uncompromising professional leadership;
• The state's thugs – and, more importantly, those who organised their actions and let loose criminal elements from Cairo's jails – to be arrested, charged and convicted;
• The Interior Ministry police force to be disbanded;
• The regular police force to be purged at its most senior levels and reconfigured as a force for citizen protection, rather than repression;
• The structure and operational practises of the intelligence services to be brought into the light of public scrutiny, the records of murder and torture to be revealed and those responsible arrested, charged and prosecuted;
• State corruption and embezzlement to be subjected to immediate judicial investigation and followed by prosecutions;
• Restructuring of the economic sphere and reorientation of economic policy towards at least some minimal variant of democratic developmentalism.

How many of these demands will the current army leadership – and the still unreconstructed wider state apparatus behind it - be able to accommodate? How many of them will it be able to sidestep, postpone or deflect? At what point will the temptation to fall back on all-out coercive force present itself as the only way of retaining an order that protects the compromised from popular justice?

The reconfiguration of state and 'people'

Merely to set out the potential scope of popular demands is to bring into full focus the revolutionary dimensions of the process that is already, inescapably, under way. The old structures, it is quite clear, can no longer contain the democratic energies that have been released from below. At the same time, those energies have already been shaped and disciplined by ordinary citizens' experience of having to organise defence mechanisms to combat the thugs and looters illegally unleashed by the old regime.

It is perfectly well understood that these very forces – and those that stand behind them – will be out for massive revenge if the democratic people meekly surrender the squares, streets and neighbourhoods so heroically protected for 18 days in the name of restoration of 'order and normality'.

In this context, the root-and-branch restructuring of the repressive apparatus is already inescapably on the agenda; a non-negotiable necessity for the protection of life and limb. If it is refused, it may well be the case that citizen militia will have to occupy the protective role that the state continues to deny to the people. In which case, Egypt will be entering the terrain of dual power, and the army will come under unbearable pressure, allowing for only two possible outcomes: unleash mass bloodshed – or split. Only then will the wider and deeper dynamic of the revolution begin to be released - and the questions of inclusion and exclusion presented earlier begin to be settled.

Finally: given Egypt's pivotal position in the geopolitical dynamic of the Middle East – with Iran and Israel-Palestine at its core, and a wider imperial 'arc of disaster' stretching from Afghanistan and Pakistan to Tunisia - it is not to be expected that the Egyptians will be allowed to settle their own future without massive external interference, subversion, and covert – or even open - intervention. The sustainability of an entire historic system is at stake; and no country is likely to be able to avoid the spill-overs from this Middle Eastern drama.

All those who consider themselves progressive will be called upon to find concrete, practical ways of supporting their Egyptian brothers and sisters – not just through expressions of solidarity, but by calling their own states fully to account when Washington and its allies attempt to enforce the next 'coalition of the willing'.

Adrian Crewe is the national director of Public Policy Partnership, based in Cape Town, South Africa.
http://english.aljazeera.net/indepth...458448460.html

seems to me that what we're now looking at is the exposed bones of a national security state apparatus confronted with a democratic revolution.
the constrictions that are generated for political freedom by a national-security apparatus are being performed....it'll be interesting to say the least to see how this plays out.

complicated. not simple.

aceventura3 02-14-2011 09:01 AM

Quote:

Originally Posted by roachboy (Post 2872686)
protests this morning in yemen, iran and bahrain.
algeria on the weekend.

not sure capital can run away from all of them.


complicated. not simple.

How about this for simplicity.

The per capita GDP in Egypt is $2,161.
The per capita GDP in Yemen is $1,182.
The per capita GDP in Bahrain is $27,248. The King has actually tried to pay protesters about $3,000 not to protest.
The per capita GDP in Algeria is $4,588.
The per capita GDP in Iran is $4,732.

These are all nations with real national wealth with the wealth concentrated at the top and people being oppressed and having a difficult time providing for their families. Those with wealth either are moving it out of the country or have done it already. If other sources of capital are not made available the people in these countries will suffer further and risk isolation from the rest of the world depending on how they handle their "revolutions". You can pretend this is a concern to joke about or pretend some invisible magical capital infusion event is automatically going to take place just because people protest, if you want - I just hope people who can make a difference understand what is really the issue.

roachboy 02-14-2011 09:18 AM

ace, once again you alternate between imaginary arguments and restatements of the obvious.

it is self-evident to anyone who looks at egypt at all---which you've not really done---that class stratification there is extreme.

it is also self-evident that this class stratification as it has taken shape over the past 30 years of dictatorship has been intertwined with patronage/corruption that centered on the twin power sources that ran the country---the military and the mubarak regime.

it is entirely obvious that getting rid of the mubarak regime has not gotten rid of the effects of that regime in either the military or the economic oligarchy that relied on one or the other or both for their wealth.

it is self-evident that this concentration of wealth played a fundamental role in sparking this revolt.

it is self-evident that the reason this concentration of wealth sparked a revolt now as opposed to at some other time has a lot to do with wikileaks and tunisia and longer-term mobilization---but really, it's conjuncture that allowed people to bring down the mubarak dictatorship.

if class stratification and/or the massive transfer of wealth into the hands of a few and away from most people was on its own reason for revolution, i would expect that you would be in hiding in another country as you support the economic ideology responsible for the most massive transfers of wealth in recorded history in that direction.


what is also obvious is that there are segments of the population of egypt who benefitted greatly from the corruption of the mubarak period who are very very concerned-to-panicked because of what they stand to loose. these are the people who are running away. these are the interests represented by short-term capital flight. this is the perspective you are arguing, as if it were not obvious--but your knowledge of the situation is so small that you can't even figure out what political interests are being expressed through the infotainment you adduce.

it is also self-evident that nothing has changed in the distribution of wealth or the sturcture of the economy yet. things **could** change now---but there's no magic wand that was waved about. so nothing has happened yet.


the revolution in egypt has just started. the hard stuff begins from here. that too is self-evident.

the economic order---and the question of qui bono---will change as the political situation changes.

as for the rats that flee the sinking ship of the mubarak regime---who cares?

Baraka_Guru 02-14-2011 09:22 AM

Yes, ace, it's really simple. Capital tends to flow away from instability and towards stability. Protests and revolutions aren't forms of government.

dlish 02-14-2011 10:09 AM

al jazeera reporting that there are protests in morocco planned for next week. looks like its spreading, but i dont see it going east into saudi or into the UAE.

aceventura3 02-14-2011 10:58 AM

Quote:

Originally Posted by roachboy (Post 2872772)
ace, once again you alternate between imaginary arguments and restatements of the obvious.

it is self-evident to anyone who looks at egypt at all---which you've not really done---that class stratification there is extreme.

it is also self-evident that this class stratification as it has taken shape over the past 30 years of dictatorship has been intertwined with patronage/corruption that centered on the twin power sources that ran the country---the military and the mubarak regime.

it is entirely obvious that getting rid of the mubarak regime has not gotten rid of the effects of that regime in either the military or the economic oligarchy that relied on one or the other or both for their wealth.

it is self-evident that this concentration of wealth played a fundamental role in sparking this revolt.

it is self-evident that the reason this concentration of wealth sparked a revolt now as opposed to at some other time has a lot to do with wikileaks and tunisia and longer-term mobilization---but really, it's conjuncture that allowed people to bring down the mubarak dictatorship.

if class stratification and/or the massive transfer of wealth into the hands of a few and away from most people was on its own reason for revolution, i would expect that you would be in hiding in another country as you support the economic ideology responsible for the most massive transfers of wealth in recorded history in that direction.


what is also obvious is that there are segments of the population of egypt who benefitted greatly from the corruption of the mubarak period who are very very concerned-to-panicked because of what they stand to loose. these are the people who are running away. these are the interests represented by short-term capital flight. this is the perspective you are arguing, as if it were not obvious--but your knowledge of the situation is so small that you can't even figure out what political interests are being expressed through the infotainment you adduce.

it is also self-evident that nothing has changed in the distribution of wealth or the sturcture of the economy yet. things **could** change now---but there's no magic wand that was waved about. so nothing has happened yet.


the revolution in egypt has just started. the hard stuff begins from here. that too is self-evident.

the economic order---and the question of qui bono---will change as the political situation changes.

as for the rats that flee the sinking ship of the mubarak regime---who cares?

this line of posts started with your post #204 where you suggested that there was uncertainty regarding the next steps, I then suggested in post #205 that there is no uncertainty regarding what people are going to do - implying that the only uncertainty is with people like you. Your suggestion of uncertainty is grounded in some theoretical b.s., however people actually needing to make decisions make them. the sum of those individual decisions governs the general direction of this or any other "revolution". The sum of those individual decision is not difficult to predict.

---------- Post added at 06:58 PM ---------- Previous post was at 06:53 PM ----------

Quote:

Originally Posted by Baraka_Guru (Post 2872773)
Yes, ace, it's really simple. Capital tends to flow away from instability and towards stability. Protests and revolutions aren't forms of government.

My position is that Mubarak was made powerless and that the insistence on his resignation prior to free and open elections, was symbolic. The result of which put the country in a state of unnecessary uncertainty that will have consequences - many of which will not be for the good of democracy or the people. Even Mubarack staying on as a figure head would have sent a message of an orderly transition.

roachboy 02-14-2011 11:37 AM

society and history and politics: all "some theoretical b.s."

wow, ace.
amazing stuff.
you should do stand-up.

aceventura3 02-14-2011 02:45 PM

Quote:

Originally Posted by roachboy (Post 2872812)
society and history and politics: all "some theoretical b.s."

wow, ace.
amazing stuff.
you should do stand-up.

The "b.s." comment was a reference to the way you avoid directly supporting your positions when challenged. Some of your comments clearly have no merit in context and are solely ideologically driven. You do it in the guise of - if you say it, it is so, and any question or challenge is obviously from an individual not worthy of your exceptional world view. But by the time an issue has run its course your superficial presentations surrounded in a shroud of verbosity and pleonasm has little value.:rolleyes:

roachboy 02-14-2011 09:46 PM

ace, dear, what the fuck are you talking about?
i'm merely tracking what is happening in egypt.
nothing you post evinces the slightest understanding of that.
the few factoid you post are obvious.
so nothing you are saying is accurate, useful or insightful.
therefore i dont know or care what you're on about.
welcome to the consequences of posting the way you do.

roachboy 02-15-2011 08:02 AM

i usually don't cite editorials, but in this case, because i should have guessed...

Quote:

The GOP loves freedom, but not for Egypt

By Eugene Robinson
Tuesday, February 15, 2011;

Why don't conservatives love freedom?

Judging by last week's Conservative Political Action Conference, that's a fair question. As Egyptians overthrew the three-decade rule of Hosni Mubarak, politicians who spoke at the annual CPAC gabfest in Washington ranged from silent to grumpy on the subject.

Mitt Romney, perhaps the leading Republican presidential contender, gave a speech without once mentioning the upheaval in Cairo that may signal the most important geopolitical shift since the end of the Cold War. You'd think that anyone who wanted to be president would be paying attention and might have an opinion or two.

Sen. John Thune of South Dakota, also believed to be considering a presidential run, likewise seemed not to have noticed that the world was changing. Former Minnesota Gov. Tim Pawlenty confined himself to criticizing President Obama for somehow appeasing "Hamas and the Muslim Brotherhood." Rep. Ron Paul of Texas, who won the CPAC presidential straw poll, was at least forthright: He said the United States has no "moral responsibility to spread our goodness around the world" and urged the administration "to do a lot less a lot sooner, not only in Egypt but around the world."

Former House Speaker Newt Gingrich was all over the map. At CPAC, he mentioned "what's happening in Egypt" without commenting further. On Saturday, he told the Associated Press that Mubarak's resignation was "good for the future" but criticized Obama for publicly supporting the dictator's ouster. On Sunday, Gingrich explained on ABC's "This Week" that Obama was right to side with the freedom-loving protesters in Tahrir Square but should have done so privately - as if whispered encouragement, of which there was plenty, had a prayer of making a difference.

Meanwhile, protests sparked by the Egypt uprising are raging across the Arab world - Algeria, Jordan, Yemen, Bahrain. On Monday, the clamor for democracy surfaced in Iran with the first consequential street demonstrations against theocratic rule since 2009.

House Speaker John Boehner, at least, has come out forcefully on the side of freedom. But why the ambivalence from so many prominent conservatives?

For one thing - and I think this applies to most of the tongue-tied potential candidates - there's the fact that all of this is happening on Obama's watch. If everything turns out well, heaven forbid that the president get any credit.

The administration's public comments as the Egyptian revolution unfolded seemed to take two steps forward and one step back, but there was never any real question about Obama's sentiments. The United States was by no means in control of events, but the White House used whatever influence it had to push for a transition.

The conservative mantra has been: Obama Is Always Wrong. Therefore there must be something wrong with the way he handled Egypt - even if it appears, from what we've seen so far, that the result is a historic opening for democracy in the world's most troubled region.

The other possible explanation for the lukewarm conservative reaction is a lack of faith in our most cherished democratic values - at least where majority-Islam countries are concerned.

I'm not talking about Glenn Beck's paranoid fantasy of a vast leftist-Islamist conspiracy for world domination; that's a job for a licensed professional with a prescription pad. I'm talking about people such as former U.N. ambassador John Bolton, who told CPAC that "democracy as we see it" in Egypt would be all right but grumbled that "a democratic election can produce illiberal results."

In other words, some Egyptians might vote for candidates put forth by the Muslim Brotherhood. It is unlikely that the group would win a majority in free and fair elections - or even that a government headed by the Muslim Brotherhood, if it came to that, would necessarily be more dangerous or hostile than the Mubarak regime. But Bolton and some others seem to believe that only political parties of which the United States approves should be allowed to participate in Egyptian elections.

Former Sen. Rick Santorum, another presidential contender, used his CPAC speech to blast Obama's handling of Egypt; for weeks, Santorum has been claiming that elections there would lead straight to "sharia law." Pam Geller, the conservative blogger who led opposition to the Lower Manhattan mosque, crashed the CPAC conference and told an interviewer from Mother Jones magazine that Mubarak's fall was "catastrophic" and would lead to sharia law throughout the Middle East.

These conservatives are arguing that the world's 1.2 billion Muslims cannot be trusted to govern themselves. That's not what I call loving freedom.
Eugene Robinson - The GOP loves freedom, but not for Egypt

and this for a quite eloquent viewpoint on egypt and its regional ramifications as signaling the crumbling of american-dominated neo-colonialism:

The toxic residue of colonialism - Opinion - Al Jazeera English

and not a moment too soon.

Cimarron29414 02-15-2011 08:13 AM

rb-

ALL media is editorial nowadays.

It seems to me that both parties are having a difficult time with their response to this event. The struggle is that, what is good for the people of Egypt, could be very bad for the US. It's this simple struggle which has politicians waffling. If anything, an elected official should be most interested in the advancement of the people he serves. Since some of the possible outcomes in Egypt would not advance the people he serves, I can see the messaging trouble. I, for one, am pleased that the GOP message is all over the place. It implies those guys might actually be expressing an opinion as a single person with a set of convictions rather than page 432 in a playbook.

mixedmedia 02-15-2011 08:22 AM

good lord. Rick Santorum is going to run for president? yikes.

anyway, I think the editorial piece hits the nail squarely on the head:

1. it's dangerous to praise praiseworthy things on Obama's watch

and

2. if it involves a considerable amount of non-white people without an agreeable figurehead willing to kiss their ass, conservatives only support democracy in theory

roachboy 02-15-2011 08:36 AM

the americans have paid the egyptian military a shit-ton of money to look out for their interests---namely preserving the figleaf of legitimacy on the united states' degenerate policies regarding israel. oil is a minimal interest. american paranoia about islam is in the best of circumstances thinly concealed racism and in any event is a non-problem in egypt.

so i don't know what the right is on about. particularly not that fuckwit john bolton, who apparently feels the need to repeat the bromides of henry kissinger with reference to the election of salvador allende in chile, 1972. we all know how that turned out. go conservative geopolitics!


the al jazeera edito is more interesting. faulk gets it right here:

Quote:

Here is the crux of the ethical irony. Washington is respectful of the logic of self-determination, so long as it converges with the US grand strategy, and is oblivious to the will of the people whenever its expression is seen as posing a threat to the neoliberal overlords of the globalised world economy, or to strategic alignments that seem so dear to State Department or Pentagon planners.

As a result there is an inevitable to-ing and fro-ing as the United States tries to bob and weave, celebrating the advent of democracy in Egypt,complaining about the violence and torture of the tottering regime - while doing what it can to manage the process from outside, which means preventing genuine change, much less a democratic transformation of the Egyptian state. Anointing the main CIA contact and Mubarak loyalist, Omar Suleiman, to preside over the transition process on behalf of Egypt seems a thinly disguised plan to throw Mubarak to the crowd, while stabilising the regime he presided over for more than 30 years.

I would have expected more subtlety on the part of the geopolitical managers, but perhaps its absence is one more sign of imperial myopia that so often accompanies the decline of great empires.

aceventura3 02-15-2011 09:24 AM

Quote:

Originally Posted by roachboy (Post 2872990)
ace, dear, what the fuck are you talking about?

Reading and responding to questions is not difficult to follow and understand.

Quote:

i'm merely tracking what is happening in egypt.
You often include unsubstaiated ideologically driven statements here and there, and those are normally the basis of my challenges and or questions.

Quote:

nothing you post evinces the slightest understanding of that.
the few factoid you post are obvious.
On one hand you write that you are merely tracking what is happening which is as obvious as it gets, yet you have a problem with "the few factoid"s I post??? Isn't this a political forum, isn't it about digging deeper into the facts and about how events relate to political views. Or, is this simply about you tracking what is happening?

Quote:

so nothing you are saying is accurate, useful or insightful.
therefore i dont know or care what you're on about.
welcome to the consequences of posting the way you do.
What are the consequences? The way I see it, it is you that generally avoids addressing direct questions and you who is unable or unwilling to support your views when challenged. I have not suffered any "consequences" based on how I post. I know what I do, I understand what I do and I know why I do what I do.

---------- Post added at 05:24 PM ---------- Previous post was at 05:19 PM ----------

Quote:

Originally Posted by roachboy (Post 2873087)
the americans have paid the egyptian military a shit-ton of money to look out for their interests---namely preserving the figleaf of legitimacy on the united states' degenerate policies regarding israel. oil is a minimal interest. american paranoia about islam is in the best of circumstances thinly concealed racism and in any event is a non-problem in egypt.

Is the above tracking what is happening? You write some b.s. like what appears above and you want people to rollover and live with it, because after all it came from - you. You don't want challenge, you can not support your views above and then you get pissed if someone asks you about it, looks for clarification or challenges it. And you pretend that I have a problem!

roachboy 02-15-2011 10:48 AM

wrong again ace darling.
i enjoy being challenged.
but i don't suffer fools.


meanwhile, back in the world....

[/COLOR]
Quote:

Egyptian army hijacking revolution, activists fear

Military ruling council begins to roll out reform plans while civilian groups struggle to form united front


Egypt's revolution is in danger of being hijacked by the army, key political activists have warned, as concrete details of the country's democratic transition period were revealed for the first time.

Judge Tarek al-Beshry, a moderate Islamic thinker, announced that he had been selected by the military to head a constitutional reform panel. Its proposals will be put to a national referendum in two months' time. The formation of the panel comes after high-ranking army officers met with selected youth activists on Sunday and promised them that the process of transferring power to a civilian government is now under way.

But the Guardian has learned that despite public pronouncements of faith in the military's intentions, elements of Egypt's fractured political opposition are deeply concerned about the army's unilateral declarations of reform and the apparent unwillingness of senior officers to open up sustained and transparent negotiations with those who helped organise the revolution.

"We need the army to recognise that this is a revolution, and they can't implement all these changes on their own," said Alaa Abd El Fattah, a prominent youth activist. "The military are the custodians of this particular stage in the process, and we're fine with that, but it has to be temporary.

"To work out what comes next there has to be a real civilian cabinet, of our own choosing, one that has some sort of public consensus behind it - not just unilateral communiques from army officers."

There is consternation that the army is taking such a hard line on the country's burgeoning wave of strikes, which has seen workers seeking not just to improve their economic conditions, but also to purge institutions of bosses they accuse of being corrupt and closely aligned to the old regime.

"These protests aren't just wage-specific," said Abd El Fattah. "They're also about people at ground level wanting to continue the work of the revolution, pushing out regime cronies and reclaiming institutions like the professional syndicates and university departments that have long been commandeered by the state."

The ruling military council has called on "noble Egyptians" to end all strikes immediately.

Egypt's post-Mubarak political landscape has grown increasingly confused in the past few days, as the largely discredited formal opposition parties of the old era seek to reposition themselves as populist movements. Meanwhile younger, online-based groups are trying to capitalise on their momentum by forming their own political vehicles, and the previously outlawed Muslim Brotherhood has announced that it will form a legal political party.

After decades of stagnation, the country's political spectrum is desperately trying to catch up with the largely leaderless events of the past few weeks and accommodate the millions of Egyptians politicised by Mubarak's fall. "The current 'opposition' does not represent a fraction of those who participated in this revolution and engaged with Tahrir and other protest sites," said Abd El Fattah. But with a myriad of short-lived alliances and counter-alliances developing among opposition forces in recent days, uncertainty about the country's political future still prevails.

"Despite various attempts to form a united front, there's nothing of the kind at this point - just a lot of division," said Shadi Hamid, an Egypt expert at the Brookings Doha Centre. "You've got numerous groups, numerous coalitions, and everyone is meeting with everyone else. There's a sense of organisational chaos. Everyone wants a piece of the revolution."

This week a number of formal opposition parties, including the liberal Wafd party and the leftist Tagammu party, came together with members of the Muslim Brotherhood and a wide range of youth movements to try and elect a steering committee that could speak with a unified voice to the army commanders and negotiate the formation of a transitional government and presidential council.

Yet those plans have been overtaken by the speed of the military's own independent proclamations on reform, raising fears that civilian voices are being shut out of the transitional process.

Some senior figures inside the coalition believe the army is deliberately holding high-profile meetings with individuals such as Google executive Wael Ghonim and the 6 April youth movement founder Ahmed Maher in an effort to appear receptive to alternative views, but without developing any sustainable mechanism through which non-military forces can play a genuine role in political reform.

"The military are talking to one or two 'faces of the revolution' that have no actual negotiating experience and have not been mandated by anyone to speak on the people's behalf," claimed one person involved with the new coalition. "It's all very well for them to be apparently implementing our demands, but why are we being given no say in the process?

"They are talking about constitutional amendments, but most people here want a completely new constitution that limits the power of the presidency. They are talking about elections in a few months, and yet our political culture is still full of division and corruption.

"Many of us are now realising that a very well thought-out plan is unfolding step by step from the military, who of course have done very well out of the political and economic status quo. These guys are expert strategic planners after all, and with the help of some elements of the old regime and some small elements of the co-opted opposition, they're trying to develop a system that looks vaguely democratic but in reality just entrenches their own privileges."
Egyptian army hijacking revolution, activists fear | World news | The Guardian

aceventura3 02-15-2011 11:42 AM

Quote:

Originally Posted by roachboy (Post 2873116)
wrong again ace darling.
i enjoy being challenged.
but i don't suffer fools.

What I wanna know is, do your comrades know that you are actually a capitalist pig? In your support of the Egyptian "revolution" and call for democracy, you do realize that it also includes Egyption's gaining the right hold legitimate title to real property and to be able to sell valued goods and services in a free market to provide profits and individual wealth for a prosperous future? Oh, and that they will want to do this without an oppressive centralized government or military rule? I never would have thought based on your writing that you were such a supporter capitalism.:thumbsup:

roachboy 02-15-2011 12:54 PM

once there's some advantage to be gained relative to iran of course the united states gets much less ambivalent about this revolution stuff....

Quote:

Obama urges Mideast allies to 'get out ahead' of protests, denounces Iranian crackdown

By William Branigin, Thomas Erdbrink and Liz Sly
Washington Post Foreign Service
Tuesday, February 15, 2011; 2:18 PM

President Obama on Tuesday warned Middle Eastern nations, including longtime U.S. allies, that they need to "get out ahead" of surging aspirations for democracy, and he sharply criticized what he described as Iran's hypocritical response to protests.

In a news conference at the White House, his first of the year, Obama said governments in the region "can't maintain power through coercion."

"The world is changing," he said in a message directed to Middle East leaders. "You have a young, vibrant generation within the Middle East that is looking for greater opportunity. . . . You can't be behind the curve."

In particular, Obama sought to draw a distinction between Egypt's largely peaceful popular uprising and the brutality of the Iranian government in cracking down on opposition demonstrators.

He spoke after Iranian hard-liners called Tuesday for the arrest or execution of opposition leaders involved in street protests the day before, as gatherings of Egypt-inspired demonstrators in Bahrain and Yemen again resulted in bloodshed. Violent protests erupted in all three countries Monday as the revolutionary fervor unleashed by the toppling of Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak rippled across the Middle East, propelling people onto the streets to demand change from a spectrum of autocratic regimes.

In Tehran, at least one person was killed during the banned opposition rally, officials told the student news agency ISNA on Tuesday. The demonstration was the largest in Iran since a crackdown on the opposition 14 months ago.

In Washington, Obama told reporters: "We have sent a strong message to our allies in the region saying, 'Let's look at Egypt's example, as opposed to Iran's example.' You know, I find it ironic that you've got the Iranian regime pretending to celebrate what happened in Egypt, when in fact they have acted in direct contrast to what happened in Egypt by gunning down and beating people who were trying to express themselves peacefully in Iran."

As in Egypt, Obama said, people in Iran "should be able to express their opinions and their grievances and seek a more responsive government." He said he hopes Iranians continue to "have the courage to be able to express their yearning for greater freedoms and a more representative government." However, "America cannot ultimately dictate what happens inside of Iran any more than it could inside of Egypt," he cautioned.

"What we can do is lend moral support to those who are seeking a better life for themselves," Obama said.

While the United States is "concerned about stability throughout the region," it has sent a message "to friend and foe alike," the president said. Part of this message, he said, is "that if you are governing these countries, you've got to get out ahead of change."

As a result of events in Egypt and, earlier, Tunisia, governments in the Middle East and North Africa "are starting to understand this," Obama said. "And my hope is is that they can operate in a way that is responsive to this hunger for change, but always do so in a way that doesn't lead to violence."

In Tehran earlier Tuesday, pro-government legislators at an open session of the Iranian parliament demanded that opposition leaders Mir Hossein Mousavi, Mehdi Karroubi and former reformist president Mohammad Khatami be held responsible for Monday's clashes between protesters and security forces, the Associated Press reported.

Pumping their fists in the air, the lawmakers chanted, "Death to Mousavi, Karroubi and Khatami."

"We believe the people have lost their patience and demand capital punishment," 221 lawmakers said in a statement.

In the tiny island kingdom of Bahrain, home to the U.S. Navy's 5th Fleet, thousands of demonstrators marched Monday to call for reforms to their hereditary monarchy and clashed with police, who fired tear gas and rubber bullets. In Yemen, a key U.S. counterterrorism ally, government supporters armed with sticks and knives attacked pro-democracy demonstrators calling for the ouster of the country's dictatorial president.

Crowds massed in both Bahrain and Yemen again on Tuesday, with one person killed in Bahrain, the Associated Press reported. The death in Bahrain came when security forces fired tear gas and bird shot at thousands of people joining a funeral procession for a man who was slain in Monday's protests.

Thousands of protesters poured into a main square in Bahrain's capital waving Bahraini flags and chanting: "No Sunnis, no Shiites. We are all Bahrainis," AP said. In a clear sign of concern over the widening crisis, King Hamad bin Isa al-Khalifa made a rare national TV address, offering condolences for the protest-related deaths, pledging an investigation and promising to push ahead with reforms, which include loosening state controls on the media and Internet.

In the Yemeni capital of Sanaa, hundreds of anti-government demonstrators and government loyalists fought with rocks and batons on Tuesday in a fifth straight day of political unrest. Four of the anti-government protesters were wounded, two of them in the head, Reuters news agency said.

But it was in a non-Arab country, Iran, that the fallout from Egypt's uprising seemed to be most acutely felt on Monday. In Tehran, large crowds of protesters defied tear gas Monday to march down a major thoroughfare, chanting "Death to the dictator." It was the biggest demonstration in the Iranian capital since the government effectively crushed the opposition movement in December 2009.

The crowds, which numbered in the tens of thousands, suggested that the seemingly cowed Green Movement that emerged to challenge Iran's theocratic regime after disputed elections in June 2009 had been inspired by the success of Egypt's revolutionaries. Many protesters wore green ribbons, the symbol of Iran's opposition movement.

In Washington, Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton praised the Iranian demonstrators, saying White House officials "very clearly and directly support the aspirations" of the protesters. She also accused the Tehran government of hypocrisy for claiming to support pro-democracy demonstrators in Egypt while squelching dissent at home.

Clinton's comments appeared to signal a shift in tone by an administration that previously refrained from directly endorsing the Iranian opposition out of fear that U.S. support would backfire on the protesters.

"We think that there needs to be a commitment to open up the political system in Iran to hear the voices of the opposition and civil society," Clinton told reporters after a meeting with lawmakers on Capitol Hill.
'We are here for Iran'

Throughout the day in Tehran, people converged on Azadi, or Freedom, Square in the heart of the city, the symbolic epicenter of the protest movement that brought millions of people out on the streets in the summer of 2009. Some witnesses said the Monday protests drew more than 100,000 people.

The demonstration had been called more than a week in advance by Mousavi, the de facto leader of the opposition movement and former presidential challenger. Mousavi was placed under house arrest Monday, opposition Web sites said, joining another opposition leader, former parliament speaker Karroubi, whose house arrest was reported by the sites Thursday.

Police were deployed in smaller numbers than usual in the morning, enabling protesters to gather, and at one point in the afternoon, as the numbers swelled, the security forces appeared to retreat, witnesses said. But by nightfall, as more and more people converged, there were reports that members of the feared pro-government Basij militia had taken to the streets on their trademark motorcycles and were beating demonstrators with batons.

The semiofficial Fars News Agency reported that at least one person had been killed and several wounded in a "shooting incident" connected with the protests, and there were reports of violent clashes in other Iranian cities.

Iran has had strained relations with Egypt since the birth of the Islamic Republic in 1979, after a popular uprising against the U.S.-backed shah that many in Iran and beyond have compared to the revolution in Egypt.

Iran's leaders have made numerous statements over the past few weeks in support of the Egyptian protesters, and state media have hailed the uprisings in Tunisia and Egypt as "new Islamic revolutions."

At the same time, Iran's Green Movement has clearly been seeking an opportunity to assert itself since the security apparatus overwhelmed its efforts to mobilize people on the streets.

"We are here for Iran," one protester told a witness to the demonstration Monday. "What they did in Egypt, we have been trying since 2009. If the government supports them, why are we not allowed to protest on our streets?"

Ali Ansari, a professor of Iranian history at Scotland's University of St. Andrews, said the size of the crowds on Monday showed "that this protest movement is alive and kicking."

"Anyone who said the Green Movement was a flash in the pan was way off base," Ansari said.

The protests coincided with a visit to Tehran by Turkish President Abdullah Gul, who expressed support for the Egyptian protests in a comment that could also have been taken as applying to the demonstration in Iran. Turkey, which enjoys a close relationship with Iran as well as the United States, has emerged in recent years as an increasingly influential regional power, whose democracy is hailed as a model by many in the region.

"When leaders and heads of countries do not pay attention to the demands of their nations, the people themselves take action to achieve their demands," Gul said at a packed news conference, according to Iran's official Islamic Republic News Agency and other reports.

In Syria, there were signs that the government was cracking down on the opposition. A court there on Monday sentenced a 19-year-old blogger, under arrest since 2009, to five years in jail, after ruling that she had illegally revealed information to a foreign country.
Bahrain, Yemen roiling

The protest in Bahrain had also been called ahead of Mubarak's resignation on Friday, with campaigns on social networks such as Twitter and Facebook billing it a "Day of Rage," echoing the way Egypt's revolt was organized.

News photographs showed pictures of people who had purportedly been injured by riot police in the protests in the capital, Manama, and there were reports that thousands had taken to the streets in other towns across the kingdom. It was the most serious unrest in the normally placid emirates and kingdoms of the oil-rich Arabian Peninsula since the Egyptian and Tunisian uprisings.

Bahrain is considered more vulnerable than most other regimes in the region, such as Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and the United Arab Emirates, because of its restive 70 percent Shiite majority, which has long chafed under the nation's Sunni monarchy.

But as the first Persian Gulf nation to discover oil, and the first to be running out of it, Bahrain confronts problems that other gulf nations may also eventually confront, including a growing fiscal deficit and an expanding population that cannot find jobs, said Jane Kinninmont of the London-based Economist Intelligence Unit.

"You could see Bahrain having an impact on Kuwait and the eastern provinces of Saudi Arabia," where there is a Shiite majority, she said. "Bahrain is being watched quite closely there. Bahrain is different because of its sectarian makeup, but it also has problems that other gulf countries are going to have to deal with," Kinninmont said.

The protests in Bahrain, as well as Yemen, have nonetheless been much smaller than those that forced Mubarak to resign. The protest in Yemen's capital, Sanaa, on Monday was less well-attended, but also more violent, than others in the city in recent weeks, highlighting the potential for instability in a nation reeling from internal conflicts, deep poverty and a resurgent branch of al-Qaeda.

A few thousand protesters marched in Sanaa, chanting "Hey Ali, get out," a reference to Yemeni President Ali Abdullah Saleh, who has governed the impoverished nation since 1978, three years longer than Mubarak ruled Egypt.

But they were confronted by a crowd of government supporters waving pictures of Saleh and chanting slogans in his support. The Saleh supporters chased the pro-democracy demonstrators with sticks, knives and stones, reportedly injuring dozens.
Obama urges Mideast allies to 'get out ahead' of protests, denounces Iranian crackdown

and yemen.
and maybe morocco.
and maybe algeria.

what's odd is that none of these actions have the slightest resemblance to pro-capitalist pro-western markety face things. they're more politically oriented. they're directed against the fossilized political orders that the americans have supported quite consistently (and some that they haven't) that are of a piece with the reality of neo-colonialism.

aceventura3 02-15-2011 02:05 PM

Quote:

Originally Posted by roachboy (Post 2873170)
what's odd is that none of these actions have the slightest resemblance to pro-capitalist pro-western markety face things. they're more politically oriented. they're directed against the fossilized political orders that the americans have supported quite consistently (and some that they haven't) that are of a piece with the reality of neo-colonialism.

Funny, your point of view is...as Yoda who say it. Other might say something like this:

Quote:

The headline that appeared on Al Jazeera on Jan. 14, a week before Egyptians took to the streets, affirmed that "[t]he real terror eating away at the Arab world is socio-economic marginalization."

The Egyptian government has long been concerned about the consequences of this marginalization. In 1997, with the financial support of the U.S. Agency for International Development, the government hired my organization, the Institute for Liberty and Democracy. It wanted to get the numbers on how many Egyptians were marginalized and how much of the economy operated "extralegally"—that is, without the protections of property rights or access to normal business tools, such as credit, that allow businesses to expand and prosper. The objective was to remove the legal impediments holding back people and their businesses.

After years of fieldwork and analysis—involving over 120 Egyptian and Peruvian technicians with the participation of 300 local leaders and interviews with thousands of ordinary people—we presented a 1,000-page report and a 20-point action plan to the 11-member economic cabinet in 2004. The report was championed by Minister of Finance Muhammad Medhat Hassanein, and the cabinet approved its policy recommendations.

Egypt's major newspaper, Al Ahram, declared that the reforms "would open the doors of history for Egypt." Then, as a result of a cabinet shakeup, Mr. Hassanein was ousted. Hidden forces of the status quo blocked crucial elements of the reforms.

Today, when the streets are filled with so many Egyptians calling for change, it is worth noting some of the key facts uncovered by our investigation and reported in 2004:

• Egypt's underground economy was the nation's biggest employer. The legal private sector employed 6.8 million people and the public sector employed 5.9 million, while 9.6 million people worked in the extralegal sector.

• As far as real estate is concerned, 92% of Egyptians hold their property without normal legal title.

Editorial Board Member Matt Kaminski on the anti-Mubarak revolt

• We estimated the value of all these extralegal businesses and property, rural as well as urban, to be $248 billion—30 times greater than the market value of the companies registered on the Cairo Stock Exchange and 55 times greater than the value of foreign direct investment in Egypt since Napoleon invaded—including the financing of the Suez Canal and the Aswan Dam. (Those same extralegal assets would be worth more than $400 billion in today's dollars.)

The entrepreneurs who operate outside the legal system are held back. They do not have access to the business organizational forms (partnerships, joint stock companies, corporations, etc.) that would enable them to grow the way legal enterprises do. Because such enterprises are not tied to standard contractual and enforcement rules, outsiders cannot trust that their owners can be held to their promises or contracts. This makes it difficult or impossible to employ the best technicians and professional managers—and the owners of these businesses cannot issue bonds or IOUs to obtain credit.

Nor can such enterprises benefit from the economies of scale available to those who can operate in the entire Egyptian market. The owners of extralegal enterprises are limited to employing their kin to produce for confined circles of customers.

Without clear legal title to their assets and real estate, in short, these entrepreneurs own what I have called "dead capital"—property that cannot be leveraged as collateral for loans, to obtain investment capital, or as security for long-term contractual deals. And so the majority of these Egyptian enterprises remain small and relatively poor. The only thing that can emancipate them is legal reform. And only the political leadership of Egypt can pull this off. Too many technocrats have been trained not to expand the rule of law, but to defend it as they find it. Emancipating people from bad law and devising strategies to overcome the inertia of the status quo is a political job.

The key question to be asked is why most Egyptians choose to remain outside the legal economy? The answer is that, as in most developing countries, Egypt's legal institutions fail the majority of the people. Due to burdensome, discriminatory and just plain bad laws, it is impossible for most people to legalize their property and businesses, no matter how well intentioned they might be.

The examples are legion. To open a small bakery, our investigators found, would take more than 500 days. To get legal title to a vacant piece of land would take more than 10 years of dealing with red tape. To do business in Egypt, an aspiring poor entrepreneur would have to deal with 56 government agencies and repetitive government inspections.

All this helps explain who so many ordinary Egyptians have been "smoldering" for decades. Despite hard work and savings, they can do little to improve their lives.

Bringing the majority of Egypt's people into an open legal system is what will break Egypt's economic apartheid. Empowering the poor begins with the legal system awarding clear property rights to the $400 billion-plus of assets that we found they had created. This would unlock an amount of capital hundreds of times greater than foreign direct investment and what Egypt receives in foreign aid.

Leaders and governments may change and more democracy might come to Egypt. But unless its existing legal institutions are reformed to allow economic growth from the bottom up, the aspirations for a better life that are motivating so many demonstrating in the streets will remain unfulfilled.
Hernando de Soto: Egypt's Economic Apartheid - WSJ.com

As us capitalist pigs are known to say, it all about the Benjamins.

http://maxdb.co.za/sound/uploads/new...3d6f548108.gif

roachboy 02-15-2011 02:31 PM

i was reading an article about the bizarre-o coverage in the wall street journal of egypt. it is in le monde and it's in french. that's one of them there complicated languages.

Les Etats-Unis face à la nouvelle donne égyptienne - LeMonde.fr

on the opinion pages, the mouthpiece for the american financial oligarchy seems to have made it a little mission to reassure its readership that there's nothing to these political demands, that it's all really about the same old same old. that way the official mouthpiece for the american financial oligarchy can pretend to its readers that there are not political problems with radically skewed distributions of wealth---no no, it has to come from something else, some imaginary distortion in the otherwise perfect functioning of capitalism imaginary style.

Cimarron29414 02-15-2011 02:33 PM

ace,

I think you just started arguing the same point as rb. He will correct me if I am wrong, but I believe his point is that the US supported government of Egypt created an environment where the average citizen can not break free of poverty. He views this revolution as a way for that government to be replaced by one which will allow those people a chance. I guess I don't see how your posted article differs from that.

---------- Post added at 05:33 PM ---------- Previous post was at 05:31 PM ----------

rb-

In French class, do they teach you how to say "I surrender" on the first day or the second. :D

I love ya, man. Just kidding.

roachboy 02-15-2011 02:55 PM

the second. the bring it up by way of a really bad joke.
Q. why do the french have tree-lined streets?
A. so the germans can march in in the shade.

they musta forgot about napoleon.
but that was pre-germany.

ace...look. it's not obvious how things are going to play out in egypt. the situation is at an interesting impasse, but that impasse is political.
the economic situation is self-evident.
the problem that economic situation creates for the united states is that the united states bankrolled mubarak for a very long time as a payment---in effect (there's a bunch of evidence about this in the thread)----for signing onto the camp david accords.

the wsj line is basically to argue for some imaginary separation between mubarak and capitalism. now the bad state---which the united states supported fully in all its oppressive glory because it suited geo-political interests (typically as parsed by neo-cons) was the problem. and some imaginary capitalism--associated for the editorial writers of wsj (and no-one else) with the united states---is about to somehow rescue folk.

all of which is a therapeutic story told to people who don't know anything about what's happening on the ground.

it has no bearing on the political situation.

in that political situation---as the guardian article i posted earlier points out---and as i've been saying for days----the military could very easily----*very* easily---hijack the revolution. they've given some commission 10 days to write a new constitution.

10 days to start from scratch.

something strange is afoot.

some folk say that it's theater, it's about showing seriousness in getting away from military rule.

but it's the fucking constitution in 10 days.

rehearsing the economic situation right now is basically repeating some of the major, underlying causes of the actions of the last 19 days. **some** of them. it says nothing about where things stand now in egypt because the revolt is in another place. and there's no way to know from here how things are going to shake out.

parallel movements are happening all over the region, some more advanced, some less. they're not **all** about access to a better standard of living, but that's certainly part of it. access to a better standard of living is a **political** matter. it's only amongst the most orthodox free-markety set that the economy is somehow not political.

but no-one believes that. certainly people in egypt don't. no-one does except maybe people who watch too much american tv and read ibd and wsj editorial pages and like simplicity at the expense of reality.

aceventura3 02-16-2011 08:24 AM

Quote:

Originally Posted by roachboy (Post 2873201)
i was reading an article about the bizarre-o coverage in the wall street journal of egypt. it is in le monde and it's in french. that's one of them there complicated languages.

Les Etats-Unis face à la nouvelle donne égyptienne - LeMonde.fr

on the opinion pages, the mouthpiece for the american financial oligarchy seems to have made it a little mission to reassure its readership that there's nothing to these political demands, that it's all really about the same old same old. that way the official mouthpiece for the american financial oligarchy can pretend to its readers that there are not political problems with radically skewed distributions of wealth---no no, it has to come from something else, some imaginary distortion in the otherwise perfect functioning of capitalism imaginary style.

Let's play a game, its called Pick One. The rules are simple, you just - pick one.

People will revolt for:

A) an enigmatic political concept
B) ability to feed their family

Of course you won't answer and i know your pick was A, which I believe is because you have not been told what the real issue is by your ideological sources.

Catch up, the food crisis is very serious. I know it is not impacting intellectuals in ivory towers or Americans yet, but it is impacting everyone else.

Quote:

Global food prices have surged to dangerous levels, pushing 44 million more people into extreme poverty since June, according to the World Bank, which warned some nations may make the mistake of imposing curbs on shipments.

“The price hike is already pushing millions of people into poverty and putting stress on the most vulnerable, who spend more than half of their income on food,” President Robert Zoellick said yesterday. During the 2008 food crisis, the bank said 100 million may be driven deeper into poverty. The bank defines “extreme poverty” as living on less than $1.25 a day.

The bank’s food-price index rose 15 percent between October and January, led by wheat, sugar and edible oil. The gauge is 3 percent below a 2008 peak, when surging costs sparked riots in more than a dozen countries. The outlook for rice, staple for half the world, “appears stable,” the bank said in a statement.

Food security across the Middle East region has become more of a prominent issue,” Tom Puddy, head of grain marketing at Perth, Australia-based exporter CBH Group, said today. Governments “are looking to try and secure food stocks to curb rising inflation and food prices to prevent any civil unrest.”

Surging food costs contributed to protests in Tunisia that ousted President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali in January. Egypt’s Hosni Mubarak resigned as president on Feb. 11 following more than two weeks of unrest.

Corn has surged 86 percent in the past year, and wheat is up 69 percent after drought and floods damaged crops from Russia to Argentina. The Food & Agriculture Organization’s World Food Price Index gained to a record in January for a second month.
‘Dangerous Levels’

“Global food prices are rising to dangerous levels and threaten tens of millions of poor people,” Zoellick said, commenting in the statement and a conference call. “If we don’t get a relief on the weather side, then I foresee conditions getting worse, and mistaken policy actions such as exports bans or other tax or price controls will exacerbate the problems.”

Trade curbs were a feature of the 2008 spike in food prices, when India and Vietnam were among nations that restricted or suspended shipments. Russia banned wheat exports last year after drought hit its harvest. Russian Agriculture Minister Yelena Skrynnik said yesterday that the government may decide whether to extend or lift the ban after crops are reaped, or in October.

Thailand, the world’s largest rice exporter, has no plans “for the moment” to curb shipments as the nation has abundant reserves to ensure food security, Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva said in an interview last month. “We should all continue to benefit from the world market,” Abhisit said.
‘Good Harvests’

Unlike in 2008, rice prices have made more moderate gains and “good harvests in many African countries” have “prevented even more falling into poverty,” said the Washington-based World Bank, which defines its mission as fighting global poverty.

While rough-rice futures traded in Chicago have gained about 53 percent since the end of June, they remain below the record $25.07 per 100 pounds reached in April 2008.

“It is important to ensure that further increases in poverty are curtailed by taking measures that calm jittery markets and by scaling up safety net and nutritional programs,” the bank said.

Group-of-20 finance ministers and central bankers meeting this week should make food a priority, Zoellick said. The G-20 should sponsor a code of conduct on exports bans, better information on inventories and long-range weather forecasts.

As food costs gain, consumers even in developed nations are using more of their income to pay for food, Caroline Spelman, the U.K. secretary of state for environment, food and rural affairs, said at a conference yesterday. “In poor countries we’ve seen the cost of bread can spark riots.”
Food Surge Is Exacerbating Poverty, World Bank Says - Bloomberg

---------- Post added at 04:24 PM ---------- Previous post was at 04:13 PM ----------

Quote:

Originally Posted by Cimarron29414 (Post 2873202)
ace,

I think you just started arguing the same point as rb. He will correct me if I am wrong, but I believe his point is that the US supported government of Egypt created an environment where the average citizen can not break free of poverty. He views this revolution as a way for that government to be replaced by one which will allow those people a chance. I guess I don't see how your posted article differs from that.

I don't think the US support of Egypt is relevant. The problem with Egyptians not economically thriving is because of the lack of capitalistic style opportunity. For example Egypt compared to Israel in terms of economic opportunity is directly related to the level capitalism in each country. I am of the school of thought that free market capitalism will have a bigger impact on living standards in a country than its political structure. I doubt Roach shares that view.

I believe any political system can fail and be subject to abuse, even democracy. They all have some strengths and some weaknesses. I doubt Roach shares that view either.

The political system in Egypt became "the" problem because of the lack of economic opportunity. The connection with the US is that our current economic policies are supposedly good for the US but they are severely hurting the rest of the world excluding China.

Cimarron29414 02-16-2011 08:26 AM

ace,

The thing is, you yourself have revolted for A. You've been to tea party events. You and I both know we would still be able to feed our families, even if the federal government took "more" of our paychecks. Yet we still "revolted".


...as to your most recent post:

I guess my point is that we, the US, knew the limitations this Egyptian government placed on its people and we still sent them billions a year. We've withheld aid to other countries for similar reasons. So, one has to be honest about why we sent that money to people who were surpressing their people.

aceventura3 02-16-2011 08:39 AM

Quote:

Originally Posted by roachboy (Post 2873214)
ace...look. it's not obvious how things are going to play out in egypt. the situation is at an interesting impasse, but that impasse is political.
the economic situation is self-evident.

You don't seem to get the fact (yes, fact) that economic issues drive politics.

Quote:

the wsj line is basically to argue for some imaginary separation between mubarak and capitalism.
The argument is that Mubarak rule not allowing capitalistic opportunity is the reason for the "revolution".

Quote:

and some imaginary capitalism--associated for the editorial writers of wsj (and no-one else) with the united states---is about to somehow rescue folk.
Right. WSJ = no credibility. Got it.

Why not just give us your list of approved sources?

Quote:

but no-one believes that. certainly people in egypt don't. no-one does except maybe people who watch too much american tv and read ibd and wsj editorial pages and like simplicity at the expense of reality.
Yes, yes, I bet history is full of revolutions over political systems and not things like food - I am just not aware of them.

http://www.the24hoursecretary.com/bl...nomyStupid.jpg

roachboy 02-16-2011 08:42 AM

this is a relatively conservative analysis of the constitutional situation in egypt at the moment:

Quote:

February 15, 2011
SNAPSHOT
Egypt's Constitutional Ghosts

Deciding the Terms of Cairo’s Democratic Transition
Nathan J. Brown
NATHAN J. BROWN is Professor of Political Science and International Affairs at George Washington University and a nonresident Senior Associate at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.

Egyptians seeking to build a new future after the rule of Hosni Mubarak hope to draw on, as well as correct, the flaws in the country's longstanding constitutional tradition. In the days since a military council took power from Mubarak, the country's political opposition has been quick to articulate its demands in the language of dry legal texts and procedures.

The current constitution was first enacted in 1971 and amended several times in the years afterward, but its precursors date back to a century before. Egypt's first constitutional effort came in 1882, when an assembly approved a basic law to govern its relationship with the cabinet. In 1923, when the country gained its independence from the British Empire, a second and more comprehensive document was written to combine, however uneasily, a parliamentary system with a monarchy.

When the 1923 constitution was scrapped in the wake of a 1952 military coup, Egypt's legal scholars set to work designing a republican constitution based on liberal and democratic values. Their work was shelved in 1954, however, by the country's new military rulers, who issued instead a series of documents to serve their own ideological and institutional needs. These new rules delivered the Egyptian polity into the hands of a one-party system in which all power rested with Gamal Abdel Nasser, Egypt's president until his death in 1970.

In 1971, Egypt received a new constitution, which would prove to be a more complicated and long-lived document. When Anwar al-Sadat succeeded Nasser, he found himself with rivals in various institutions, such as in the sole political party and the security apparatus. At the same time, he looked to recalibrate the regime's ideology, moving gently away from socialism and toward religion. Both problems, he realized, could be addressed with a new constitution. Sadat convened a large and remarkably diverse committee: feminists, Islamic legal scholars, liberals, socialists, nationalists, and representatives of the Christian church were all represented. On the whole, the group moved in the direction Sadat wanted: weakening the party, nominally strengthening legal institutions, and promising Egyptians a move away from the harshest aspects of Nasserist authoritarianism.

The result was a document that promised a little bit to everybody -- but everything to the president. The constitution contained guarantees for individual freedoms, democratic procedures, and judicial independence. It made nods toward socialism and Islam. But for every commitment, there was also a trap door; for every liberty, there was a loophole that ultimately did little to rein in the power of the president or the country's determined security apparatus.

Over the next four decades, Egypt's presidents tinkered with the text. Sadat took further steps against socialism and made greater concessions to Islam; he dismantled the single-party system and replaced it with a nominally pluralistic political order in which the party of the president -- today's collapsing National Democratic Party -- enjoyed a dominant role. For every step forward, there was a step back: after the single party that had controlled the press was disbanded, authority was handed, in 1980, to a new state press council.

Mubarak left the constitution alone for most of his presidency, arguing that Egypt needed stability rather than further ideological and institutional gyrations. But Egypt did change in some gradual ways, sometimes toward liberalism. Mubarak widened the limited party pluralism allowed by Sadat; he permitted an opposition press to grow in the 1980s and an independent press to flourish in the 2000s.

Yet the country's political movement was far from linear. In the 1980s, the state's reliance on harsh authoritarian tools gradually abated; yet in the 1990s, these repressive tools were resurrected and used not just against radical Islamists but also the far tamer Muslim Brotherhood.

But on the whole, beginning in the 1980s, some of constitution's liberal elements began to come to life, largely led by Egypt's judiciary. A new judicial law in 1984 gave Egypt's civil and criminal judiciary more autonomy, and the State Council -- a set of courts that have jurisdiction over cases in which a state body is a party -- proved surprisingly friendly to ordinary citizens.

Most striking was the Supreme Constitutional Court, a structure originally designed to keep the rest of the judiciary in check. But as it gained an autonomous voice during the 1980s and 1990s, it actually began to enforce some of the rights and freedoms embedded in the Egyptian constitution. A set of court decisions on electoral laws, for example, forced a more open balloting process. By 2005, parliament had one-fifth of its seats controlled by the Muslim Brotherhood. Most of the other deputies were allied with the regime, but a looser party system made them more difficult to control.

In 2007, the Mubarak regime introduced a series of constitutional amendments that slammed shut most of the liberal openings in the 1971 constitution. The changes took elections away from full judicial supervision and placed them under the control of regime-dominated commissions; allowed multicandidate presidential elections on paper but sharply restricted viable candidacies in practice; constitutionally barred the Brotherhood from forming a political party; and took steps to insert formerly extraordinary emergency measures (such as the president's ability to refer cases to military courts for swift and reliable convictions) into the constitutional text.

It should be no surprise, therefore, that the protest movement that brought down Mubarak no longer looked to the constitution for guidance. For years, opposition activists and reform figures focused their efforts on a few constitutional provisions in the hope that fixing those could bring the liberal and democratic elements of the 1971 constitution back to life. But the 2007 amendments had carefully placed booby traps throughout the document. Tinkering was no longer enough. When Egypt's opposition leaders began talking of "revolution," they wanted not only to end the Mubarak presidency but also to sweep aside the 1971 constitution.

Thus, the crowds in Tahrir Square were elated by the abandonment of constitutional procedures on February 11 and the suspension of the constitution on February 13. If the country is to be governed by a military junta, then fundamental restructuring would seem to be on the table. This is an extremely risky strategy for the opposition, however, since it depends on the regime's willingness to negotiate with the opposition and agree to a truly inclusive process of political reconstruction.

It might seem that the past century would make Egyptians cynical about the power of paper to build a proper political order. But just the opposite seems to be the case: it has taught them that they need to pay far more attention to the fine print. Today there is a remarkably wide consensus on the elements of a new constitutional order. Almost all political forces outside of the regime -- from the Muslim Brotherhood to labor-oriented activists -- would agree on a general package of reform.

The opposition would like to see a whittling down of the powers of the presidency; firm institutional guarantees of judicial independence, largely in the form of a more autonomous and powerful judicial council; judicial monitoring of elections; an end to exceptional courts and Egypt's state of emergency (in nearly continuous effect since 1939); more robust instruments for protecting rights and freedoms; and a truly pluralist party system.

Taken together, the proposed changes would have three effects. First, they would greatly increase accountability of existing institutions to the people. Second, they would give real protection to individual freedoms and provide guarantees for a pluralist political system. Third, they would activate mechanisms of horizontal accountability, so that Egypt's various constitutional institutions could patrol one another.

In this third element, Egyptians show a sophisticated understanding of their constitutional past. Egypt is a state of institutions -- but those institutions have all been accountable to the presidency. By giving these institutions true autonomy, the vague promises of a constitutional text can take on real meaning. This does not necessarily suggest a U.S.-style system of "checks and balances," however -- Egyptian constitutional architects are more likely to speak of "separation of powers," in which institutions are contained within well-defined boundaries.

Is this a quixotic task? There are two reasons for hope. First, Egypt has a strong set of constitutional institutions with deep roots and professional standards. Second, there is a remarkable degree of consensus on what needs to be done. Of course, any constitutional process will spark symbolic debates about identity and Islam, but even on these potentially contentious issues, some version of the formulas in the country's current constitution are acceptable to most political camps.

The real obstacles to Egypt's constitutional revolution lie elsewhere. For starters, there is no real procedure in place for writing a new constitution. If Egypt starts from scratch, how is it to proceed? Past constitutions have been drafted by committees working in private. The country has no tradition to draw on for more protracted and inclusive practices, such as an elected constituent assembly. The only way to design such procedures is to bring all parties to the negotiating table and agree on the process. Yet this will be difficult because as much as they might agree on matters of substance, the diffuse nature of the opposition makes agreement on tactics and procedures slow and arduous.

Such consensus will become even more difficult if the military rulers push for a less radical solution. And this is the most significant obstacle by far: the Egyptian state is currently controlled by a committee of military leaders who have made very polite general sounds but suggested very limited intentions. Indeed, they have given strong signs that they wish simply to amend the current draft, and they have shown little inclination toward either a democratic or an inclusive process. Such a procedure looks suspiciously like the ones used to change the constitution or elect the president in the past -- the people are invited to vote only after their leaders have made their choices for them. To be fair, the apparent appointment of Tariq al-Bishri, a leading public intellectual with a reputation for integrity and independence, as chair of the new constitutional committee is a very hopeful sign.

At this point, much depends on the intent of the Egyptian military leaders. They still have the chance to correct a mistake that some of their predecessors made. In 1952, the group of officers that overthrew the regime was headed by General Mohammed Naguib, who promised a return to civilian rule. Most of the work on the draft liberal constitution was performed under Naguib's presidency.

But Nasser deposed Naguib in 1954 and set to work building the system that the Egyptian revolutionaries have just brought to its knees. If the Egyptian revolution is to succeed in building a new system, Naguib's ghost will have to work its magic on the generals who now control the country.
Copyright © 2002-2010 by the Council on Foreign Relations, Inc.
Egypt's Constitutional Ghosts | Foreign Affairs

but it's interesting i think...i did not know much about the existing constitution as a document and the ways in which its history shaped how the opposition framed it's overall political project.

this also explains to some extent why many in the opposition (including the folk behind "we are all khaled said") consider the military junta (de-facto) and rapid constitution-making process (10 days? really?) to be less ambiguous a situation than it appears to folk who observe what's happening from outside.

nothing makes any sense without an idea of the complexity of recent history. there is no separation between economic and political spaces; each impacts upon the other.

dc_dux 02-16-2011 08:43 AM

Quote:

Originally Posted by aceventura3 (Post 2873464)
Let's play a game, its called Pick One. The rules are simple, you just - pick one.

People will revolt for:

A) an enigmatic political concept
B) ability to feed their family

Of course you won't answer and i know your pick was A, which I believe is because you have not been told what the real issue is by your ideological sources.

We know that in ace world, everything is black and white, as you often remind us. It is the only way you can rationalize your narrow and ideological thinking.

Unfortunately, the real world is more complex as are causes and effects.

Sources?

How about the April 6 Movement or the Coalition of the Revolution's Youth......the folks on the ground and at the heart of the revolution who took to the streets to protest an end to police brutality, the abolition of emergency law, free and fair elections, constitutional changes....concepts that were not enigmatic to them.

aceventura3 02-16-2011 08:55 AM

Quote:

Originally Posted by Cimarron29414 (Post 2873470)
ace,

The thing is, you yourself have revolted for A. You've been to tea party events. You and I both know we would still be able to feed our families, even if the federal government took "more" of our paychecks. Yet we still "revolted".

My Tea Party participation is directly related to my ability to earn a living and keep more of what I work for. It is not at all complicated, and has nothing to do with choice A.


Quote:

...as to your most recent post:

I guess my point is that we, the US, knew the limitations this Egyptian government placed on its people and we still sent them billions a year. We've withheld aid to other countries for similar reasons. So, one has to be honest about why we sent that money to people who were surpressing their people.
I do agree, mostly, with Roach regarding the US sending military aid to Egypt in exchange for a promise of peace. Other than military aid I am not aware of any other type of material aid being sent to directly help the Egyptian people.

---------- Post added at 04:55 PM ---------- Previous post was at 04:45 PM ----------

Quote:

Originally Posted by dc_dux (Post 2873476)
We know that in ace world, everything is black and white, as you often remind us. It is the only way you can rationalize your narrow and ideological thinking.

You confuse me, are you of the belief that people are protesting for the concept of democracy or something at a more base level like simply being able to feed their families, have a job, earn a living, have a better future?

Quote:

Unfortunately, the real world is more complex as are causes and effects.

Sources?
Have you not read the articles I cited? Have you thought about my question regarding the historical causes of revolutions on this planet? The causes of revolutions are normally pretty simple and in my study of history they are almost always due to some form of economic opportunity.

Quote:

How about the April 6 Movement or the Coalition of the Revolution's Youth......the folks on the ground and at the heart of the revolution who took to the streets to protest an end to police brutality, the abolition of emergency law, free and fair elections, constitutional changes....concepts that were not enigmatic to them.
What is your source? to me it seems that the Western media romanticizes over certain concepts like those you present above. I again ask what is different this time as compared to a year ago, five years ago, 25 years ago? I say the severity of food inflation and the global economic slow down.

roachboy 02-16-2011 09:01 AM

this from the guardian live blog today:

Quote:

3.30pm – Egypt:

My colleague Mark Tran writes about a fact sheet the US embassy in London has just sent out "to show it's on the side of the angels", giving a breakdown of US funding to promote "a vibrant civil society in Egypt" and in the Middle East.

Mark Tran

The US says since 2006, it has provided approximately $210m (£131m) to support democracy activities in Egypt:

"In FY [financial year] 2010, we more than doubled our support to civil society activities (from $9.5m to $25m). Our FY 2011 request maintains this strong support ($21m). We also significantly increased support for the Middle East Partnership Initiative (MEPI) in FY 2011 to support civil society and democratic reform across the Middle East. The US government has increased its direct support for indigenous Egyptian organisations. In FY 2010, Egyptian NGOs received $14m in US assistance, significantly above the $9m provided in FY 2009 and $8.5m in FY 2008. These funds went to support core civil society activities such as rights education, as well as democracy and building civil society capacity to expand the impact of Egypt's active citizens' groups."

To put this into context, however, US military aid for Egypt runs at $1.3bn a year. On the subject of US aid to Egypt, here is an article from the Carnegie of Endowment in Washington arguing why Egyptians are unlikely to appreciate US economic aid.

It says: "The current focus on helping businessmen, particularly powerful ones, and on US-chosen infrastructure projects that create few permanent job opportunities will keep USAID unpopular in Egypt, especially in light of the aid's small size."
Middle East protests - live updates | News | guardian.co.uk

here's the context referred to above, a critique of the structure of us aid to egypt from 2009 via the carnegie endowment for intl peace:

Quote:

U.S. Aid to Egypt: The Current Situation and Future Prospects
Ahmad Al-Sayed El-Naggar Web Commentary, June 2009


A question is always raised in conversations with USAID officials: Why don’t Egyptians notice the role of American aid to their country? The simple answer is that U.S. economic aid to Egypt, which amounted to $455 million in 2007, translated to only $6 per capita,[1] compared to $40.8 per capita in Jordan for the same year. Yet Jordan’s per capita income, $2,850 in 2007, is 170 percent that of Egypt.

With U.S. economic aid to Egypt cut to $200 million for 2009, the per capita share is a measly $2.60 in a country with an average gross domestic income (GDP) per capita at current prices of about $1,697 in 2007 and $2,184 in 2008 according to the World Development Report of 2009—the sharp increase is partially attributed to the high inflation rate of 11.8 percent in 2008. If calculated using Purchasing Power Parity (PPP) that adjusts for the relative purchasing power difference between the Egyptian pound and the dollar, the average per capita income in Egypt was $5,352 in 2007 and $5,400 in 2008. Therefore, in per capita terms, U.S. economic aid to Egypt is barely a drop in the bucket.

Egypt’s most critical needs include targeting aid to help create permanent jobs to enable citizens to earn a living with dignity, as well as providing direct assistance to the most impoverished citizens in the fight against poverty.

The way in which the already limited aid is utilized further marginalizes its impact. The aid does not meet or even take into consideration Egyptians’ most pressing needs, focusing instead on programs valued for strict ideological reasons. Egypt’s most critical needs include targeting aid to help create permanent jobs to enable citizens to earn a living with dignity, as well as providing direct assistance to the most impoverished citizens in the fight against poverty. In addition to spreading poverty at an alarming rate, the so-called economic reforms recommended by the United States and the IMF have caused an unprecedented surge in unemployment and increased income inequality over the past three decades. According to official data, 2.4 million Egyptians are currently unemployed, but the real number could be more than 8 million, according to independent estimates. The unemployed are deprived of a dignified livelihood and become a burden on their families. This in turn increases family poverty, contributing to the disintegration of what historically has been a remarkably cohesive social unit.

In more than one interview with USAID representatives and consultants, I was asked about the types of projects that could make USAID more popular in Egypt. I suggested that Egypt’s northern coast be swept clear of mines and its land reclaimed at the relatively low cost of less than a billion dollars. This would add hundreds of thousands of acres of arable land that could be distributed among landless farmers and agricultural school graduates, enabling them to earn a living with dignity and reducing their dependence on their families; this would also reduce poverty rates in Egypt. I also suggested that an advisory body of experts be assembled from across the political spectrum to help the poor start small- and micro-enterprises, which would create jobs for them and others. This body would provide guidance to prospective entrepreneurs and guide them toward existing opportunities. These projects would depend primarily on locally available materials and aim to satisfy the communities’ need for various goods that can be produced locally and competitively. The body of experts would also assist entrepreneurs in obtaining affordable financing, help them meet quality standards that would allow their products to be marketed locally and internationally, and link them to large commercial chains in Egypt and abroad to ensure that their products have a permanent market.

The current focus on helping businessmen, particularly powerful ones, and on U.S.-chosen infrastructure projects that create few permanent job opportunities will keep USAID unpopular in Egypt, especially in light of the aid’s small size.

If USAID were to move in this direction, its influence could become much more profound. The current focus on helping businessmen, particularly powerful ones, and on U.S.-chosen infrastructure projects that create few permanent job opportunities will keep USAID unpopular in Egypt, especially in light of the aid’s small size.

As for U.S. security and military aid to Egypt, which is about $1.3 billion annually, it does not aim to strengthen Egyptian military power against any external threat, as this would be contrary to the declared U.S. objective of ensuring Israeli security and maintaining Israeli military supremacy over its Arab neighbors, including Egypt. Instead, this aid is devoted mainly to strengthening the regime’s domestic security and its ability to confront popular movements. This hardly enhances USAID’s popularity among the Egyptian people or educated elites. The unflinching American support for Israel, and Washington’s failure to reach a comprehensive political settlement even on its own conditions of ensuring Israel’s security within the 1967 borders, make Egyptians and other neighboring Arabs skeptical of political settlements that lead nowhere. It also leads them to question the value of the limited U.S. aid tied to the peace treaty with Israel, which is used to improve America’s image in the media and cover up the U.S. bias toward Israel at the expense of Arab rights.

Finally, aid given to Egypt provides the United States with political, strategic, and sometimes economic benefits that far exceed the value of what Egypt has received. The conditions tied to U.S. aid ensure that much of the money returns to the United States, whether in the form of the imported American products, work contracts that go to American companies at less competitive prices than Egypt could have obtained had the bidding been open to international companies, or the salaries of USAID experts. Most important of all, this aid consolidated a gross imbalance in trade relations between Egypt and the U.S. During the 1983–2007 period, Egypt’s total accumulated trade deficit with the United States was $45.1 billion, according to the IMF Trade Statistics Trends Yearbook. This sum is far greater than the total size of American economic aid to Egypt to date. The Egyptian trade deficit with the United States is closely related to this assistance, making Egypt one of the few countries with which the United States has a trade surplus, counter to its overall trend of an $820.6 billion foreign trade deficit in 2008.

Ahmad El-Naggar is editor-in-chief of the Economic Strategy Trends Report published by the Al-Ahram Center for Political and Strategic Studies.
[1] Egypt’s population is estimated to be around 75 million (World Bank, 2007).
U.S. Aid to Egypt: The Current Situation and Future Prospects - Carnegie Endowment for International Peace

aceventura3 02-16-2011 09:07 AM

Quote:

Originally Posted by roachboy (Post 2873475)
nothing makes any sense without an idea of the complexity of recent history. there is no separation between economic and political spaces; each impacts upon the other.

Here is how you or anyone can make sense of what is happening in Egypt, it is like a daily score sheet. Watch the flow of capital in capital markets.

Quote:

The Egyptian Exchange, shut since Jan. 27 amid anti-government protests, will stay closed into next week and honor transactions that sent the EGX 100 Index tumbling on the last trading day, Al Arabiya television said.

Exchange officials, confronted by investors angry about stock losses, said yesterday they would weigh annulling trades that led the EGX 100 down 14 percent, the biggest one-day drop in more than two years. Chairman Khaled Seyam ruled out such a move, saying it would be illegal, Al Arabiya reported today.

The Market Vectors Egypt Index ETF in the U.S. rose since the Cairo exchange closed as President Hosni Mubarak bowed to protesters seeking his resignation last week and ceded power to the military after 30 years in office. Egyptian shares in London have since reversed earlier gains. Seyam and Hisham Turk, a spokesman for the bourse, didn’t answer calls and text messages to their mobile phones today.

“There are people waiting to invest as soon as the market opens,” Sven Richter, managing director and head of frontier markets at Renaissance Asset Managers in London, which oversees more than $2 billion, including investments in Egypt, said in an interview yesterday. “I would prefer those trades stayed in place and that they opened the stock exchange as soon as possible.”

Individual equity holders, who accounted for 48 percent of all trading on the Egyptian Exchange last year, jammed into a meeting in Cairo with bourse Vice Chairman Mohamed Farid Saleh yesterday, demanding changes in regulation and management before the market resumes operations. The exchange has delayed opening at least three times. Al Arabiya reported today it won’t resume operations as planned on Feb. 20.
Bill Auction

Egypt’s central bank today moved the deadline for some of its Treasury bill auctions as banks are closed.

The government will auction 5.5 billion Egyptian pounds ($936 million) in 182- and 364-day bills on Feb. 21, according to the Ministry of Finance’s website. The central bank had previously said that the auctions for these bills would be carried out tomorrow. Auctions of 91- and 273-day bills will be held as scheduled on Feb. 20 in a bid to raise 4.5 billion pounds, the ministry said.

The Egyptian Exchange had outlined rules yesterday for opening on Feb. 20. The bourse planned to halt trading for 30 minutes should the EGX 100 Index, which includes all stocks in the benchmark EGX 30 Index, rise or fall more than 5 percent, according to Turk. The exchange will shut for the day if the gauge moves more than 10 percent, he said. The EGX 100 closed at an eight-month low of 884.79 on Jan. 27 on concern protests against Mubarak’s rule would cripple economic growth.
Investor Demands

James Angel, associate professor of finance at McDonough School of Business at Georgetown University in Washington, said he’s never heard of an exchange invalidating three-week-old trades.

U.S. exchanges canceled about 20,800 trades on May 6, when a sale of futures contracts set off a chain of selling that bled into stocks and sent the Dow Jones Industrial Average down as much as 9.2 percent, according to an account of the day by federal regulators. The annulled transactions amount to a fraction of the volume on a typical trading day. Shares of Citigroup Inc., one of the most-traded securities on U.S. bourses, changed hands at least 177,000 times yesterday, data compiled by Bloomberg show.

Ezz Steel

At yesterday’s meeting in Cairo, investors argued with exchange officials, some demanding the trading suspension continue and others asking that the market open conditionally. They sought the suspension of trading of 13 companies associated with Mubarak’s regime, including Cairo-based Ezz Steel, Egypt’s biggest producer of the metal, and suggested more regulation to prevent insider trading and improve disclosure. They also called for new management at the bourse and securities regulator, the Egyptian Financial Services Authority.

In addition to Ezz Steel, investors are demanding the suspension of Ezz Aldekhela Steel Co. and Ezz Ceramics & Porcelain Tiles Co., all of which are affiliated with Ahmed Ezz, a member of Mubarak’s former ruling party who is under investigation for alleged corruption by the country’s public prosecutor.

“The bourse is a black box that still hasn’t been opened,” said Ashraf Khairy, who added he holds 2.4 million Egyptian pounds in stocks and is 400,000 pounds in debt. “We cannot trust those who presided over the corruption to implement reforms.”

GDRs Drop

The Market Vectors Egypt Index ETF, a U.S.-listed exchange- traded fund that holds Egyptian shares, has climbed 13 percent since Jan. 27. The fund, which changes hands throughout the day like a stock, rose 0.5 percent today.

Global depositary receipts of Orascom Construction Industries, the Egypt’s biggest publicly traded builder, lost 5 percent to $37.52 at 2:46 p.m. in London and are down 0.3 percent since Jan. 27. GDRs of Commercial International Bank Egypt SAE, the country’s biggest publicly traded bank, slid 4.6 percent to $6, bringing the loss since Jan. 27 to 4.2 percent. EFG-Hermes Holding SAE, the nation’s biggest publicly traded investment bank, fell 6.7 percent to $8.30 and is down 7.6 percent since the Egyptian bourse closed.

The yield on Egypt’s benchmark dollar bonds due in 2020 was little changed at 6.57 percent, according to data compiled by Bloomberg. Five-year credit-default swaps on the nation’s debt rose 8 basis points to 345 from the London close. That is down from 432.48 on Jan. 28, the day after the exchange closed. The contracts pay the buyer face value in exchange for the underlying securities or the cash equivalent should a government or company fail to adhere to its debt agreements.

EFG-Hermes Holding reduced its recommendation on six Egyptian companies yesterday, including Ezz Steel, on concern earnings may be hurt by the political changes.
‘Hurting Investors’

Ezz, whose shares tumbled 19 percent to 15.93 pounds in the week ended Jan. 27, was lowered to “sell” at EFG with a 12- month price estimate of 13.9 pounds and Cairo-based Egyptian Resorts Co., a developer, was cut to “sell” with a price estimate of 1.4 pounds. Ghabbour Auto, Credit Agricole Egypt SAE, National Societe Generale Bank SAE and Paints & Chemical Industry Co. also had their recommendations reduced.

“The suspension is hurting investors more than it’s helping them, the bourse needs to face the reopening problem in order to get on with business,” said Mohsin Adel, managing director at Cairo-based Pioneer Funds, where he helps oversee 500 million Egyptian pounds.
Egypt Stock Exchange Rules Out Annulling Transactions, Will Remain Closed - Bloomberg

dc_dux 02-16-2011 09:07 AM

Quote:

Originally Posted by aceventura3 (Post 2873477)

You confuse me, are you of the belief that people are protesting for the concept of democracy or something at a more base level like simply being able to feed their families, have a job, earn a living, have a better future?


Have you not read the articles I cited? Have you thought about my question regarding the historical causes of revolutions on this planet? The causes of revolutions are normally pretty simple and in my study of history they are almost always due to some form of economic opportunity.


What is your source? to me it seems that the Western media romanticizes over certain concepts like those you present above. I again ask what is different this time as compared to a year ago, five years ago, 25 years ago? I say the severity of food inflation and the global economic slow down.

ace...i am simply suggesting that it is not that black and white....and neither were most revolutions.

Sure, economic issues are part of the mix, but does not tell the full picture.

Having a good job and food on the table is not the only measure of dignity and quality of life for which people fight. Oppression through police brutality, government corruption and the lack of a role in the political process are equally meaningful.

Read the words of those involved, not the western media romanticizing:

Quote:

The Khaled Saeed Facebook group, which was formed to commemorate 28-year-old who died at the hands of Egyptian police, had taken the initiative to declare 25 January a day of Egyptian revolt to condemn police brutality....

...Although diverse in vision, the coalition's groups have long agreed on basic demands, which they believe will lead to a more democratic Egypt, and have worked cooperatively in recent years to push for these common goals. The groups' common requests have included an end to police brutality, the abolition of emergency law, free and fair elections, constitutional changes and an end to Mubarak's thirty-year rule.

Egypt revolution youth form national coalition - Politics - Egypt - Ahram Online

roachboy 02-16-2011 09:15 AM

your aversion to complexity makes of you a dull boy, ace.

i have a friend who's a trader who argues similar things after 5 or 6 beverages---"watch their feet" he says. he calls me comade. i call him my favorite reactionary. when we push off that har-de-har stuff, it's possible to have conversations about things in which, to both our surprise, we often actually agree about some things because working with a common data set is like that.

you have set up some arbitrary division between economics and politics.
you have done it in a way that seems almost set up to grind discussion to a halt.
you pretend that you're refuting some claim i've made, when reality is that i've said over and over there's nothing to the split you're arguing for outside your simplifying imagination.

yet you continue.

the thread is about the revolts that are happening across the region and not about aceventura's inability to think in terms of complexity.


=====

speaking of which, here is an interesting interview (in french, sadly) about the situation in algeria at the moment.

http://www.liberation.fr/monde/01012...soit-trop-fort

the woman being interviewed is a researcher at the cnrs who was in oran last week when the protests happened in algiers. she talks about how difficult it is to get a sense of what "the situation in algeria" really is, that what it appears to be varies by geography and social group/community...so its not one thing, "the situation"---she talks about the presence of the kabyle population and its political mobilization, which has had the effect of making protest into "a kabyle thing" in some areas.

but mostly it's about the divergent history of algeria, which had open elections in 1988 in which the fis (islamic salvation front) won---the result of that was almost a decade of civil war.

her main point is that things are building---something is going on---and a lot of younger folk (from her perspective of course, but she says as much) are interested in leaving the country on account of it because the experience of civil war raises the possibility that the price to be paid for revolt may be too high.

it's interesting, i think.

there's more in the interview...

Cimarron29414 02-16-2011 10:16 AM

Quote:

Originally Posted by aceventura3 (Post 2873477)
My Tea Party participation is directly related to my ability to earn a living and keep more of what I work for. It is not at all complicated, and has nothing to do with choice A.

I'm going to make this point, and then back off of this line. You gave two, and only two options:

A) an enigmatic political concept
b) the ability to feed your family

There was no option c) ability to earn a living and keep more of what I work for.

Clearly, you will still be able to feed your family, even if Obama et. al. get everything they want. You knew that was never in question. We were revolting against a violation of our principles. And I think we can all agree that the tea party did not exactly have laser political focus when we started attending rallies, it was quite enigmatic.

Look, I hate to spring your own trap on you, I really do. It's just difficult to accept a two item list of reasons for political revolt when your yourself immediately created a 3rd upon query. Isn't that proof that it isn't as simple as just those two?

aceventura3 02-16-2011 01:27 PM

Quote:

Originally Posted by dc_dux (Post 2873485)
ace...i am simply suggesting that it is not that black and white....and neither were most revolutions.

If that is the case we disagree. I suggest that some people see value in making what is simple appear overly complicated. There are reasons that well fed Phd. level educated people never lead "revolutions", because they are well fed and they don't understand what motivates the masses.

Quote:

Sure, economic issues are part of the mix, but does not tell the full picture.
O.k. that is a safe statement that I can not disagree with, but my stand is that - like when people look at the Mona Lisa, they don't care too much about the bridge in the lower right corner in the background of the picture, it is all about the girl or boy depending on who you believe - and "revolution" is about economics.

Quote:

Having a good job and food on the table is not the only measure of dignity and quality of life for which people fight. Oppression through police brutality, government corruption and the lack of a role in the political process are equally meaningful.
You used the word "equally", that is where you are wrong in my view. Go back and look at Maslow:

http://www.legalcybertips.com/images...y-Of-Needs.jpg

Quote:

Read the words of those involved, not the western media romanticizing:
What is real is more important than words, anyone's words.

roachboy 02-16-2011 01:39 PM

just in case it's of interest what is happening in actual multi-dimensional reality and not merely in that simple-minded quadrant where ace here is able to take a regional revolution and turn it into a reason to talk about himself and his new-found vulgar marxist theory of revolution, this goes to the guardian live blog for the day:

Middle East protests - live updates | News | guardian.co.uk

stuff happening in libya, agitation in morocco, bahrain, yemen, iran and egypt.

al jazeera coverage of bahrian:

Live Blog - Bahrain | Al Jazeera Blogs

a quite interesting post about the complexity in algeria:

Additional notes on the Algerian situation The Moor Next Door

the ny times coverage is heavier on iran:

Latest Updates on Middle East Protests - NYTimes.com

dc_dux 02-16-2011 01:42 PM

I get it, ace.

You will just ignore what the April 6 Movement leaders said when they called for the people to protest against, and condemn, police brutality or what the Coalition of the Revolution's Youth demanded- the end of emergency laws and for free and fair elections....

You and your little chart know better than what is the hearts and minds of the people on the streets of Cairo.

Or Bahrain and what the Bahrain Youth for Freedom movement is demanding in that country:
We want a genuine political life in which the people alone are the source of powers and legislation.

We want a constitution drawn up by the people, and agreed upon, which is the arbitrator and judge in the relationship of the ruler to the ruled.

We want genuine and fair elections based on fair foundations and the distribution of constituencies in which the vote of every individual Bahraini is equal.

We want genuine representation, without the accusation of treason whenever we go out to demand our rights.

We want a Council of Representatives that reflects the composition of the Bahraini people, without the majority being a minority and the minority a majority.

We want a government that is elected, based on people’s competencies rather than “loyalties”.

We want to fight corruption and stop the plundering of resources, and achieve a fair distribution of wealth.

We want to stop nepotism, and to prevent recruitment according to affiliation, and to open all sectors, especially the military, to all people.

We want an end to indiscriminate political naturalisation, which has increased the burden on services and oppressed people.

We want true freedom, without a law against “terrorism” and “gatherings”.

We want true media freedom, and the door to be opened for everyone to express their opinions freely and without fear.

We want security in villages and towns, and the release of political prisoners and the reform of prisons, and the end of oppression, torture and intimidation.

We want genuine solutions to the problems of unemployment, housing, education, and health.

We want the police to “serve the people”, and we want the army to be of the people.

This is truly what we want; we do not want to overthrow the regime, as many imagine, and we do not want to gain control of the government, we do not want chairs and seats here or there. We want to be a people living with dignity and rights.

bint battuta in bahrain: february 14
But you know what is more important than their words....."its the economy, stupid protesters."

roachboy 02-16-2011 01:42 PM

you'll likely ignore what the people who are agitating for change in morocco are saying too, ace.

YouTube - Morocco campaign #feb20 #morocco

no doubt these people are not in contact with reality quite the way you are.
they must all be ph.d.s.


(sorry, but i can't seem to get the version with the english subtitles to embed here. dont know why quite)

aceventura3 02-16-2011 02:22 PM

Quote:

Originally Posted by Cimarron29414 (Post 2873502)
I'm going to make this point, and then back off of this line. You gave two, and only two options:

A) an enigmatic political concept
b) the ability to feed your family

There was no option c) ability to earn a living and keep more of what I work for.

Clearly, you will still be able to feed your family, even if Obama et. al. get everything they want. You knew that was never in question. We were revolting against a violation of our principles. And I think we can all agree that the tea party did not exactly have laser political focus when we started attending rallies, it was quite enigmatic.

Look, I hate to spring your own trap on you, I really do. It's just difficult to accept a two item list of reasons for political revolt when your yourself immediately created a 3rd upon query. Isn't that proof that it isn't as simple as just those two?

The point is that people do not revolt over enigmatic concepts like "democracy", they revolt over matters that are simple and easily defined.

---------- Post added at 10:15 PM ---------- Previous post was at 10:13 PM ----------

Quote:

Originally Posted by roachboy (Post 2873489)
the thread is about the revolts that are happening across the region and not about aceventura's inability to think in terms of complexity.

I have given support for my point of view - it is not about me.

---------- Post added at 10:22 PM ---------- Previous post was at 10:15 PM ----------

Quote:

Originally Posted by dc_dux (Post 2873579)
I get it, ace.

You will just ignore what the April 6 Movement leaders said when they called for the people to protest against, and condemn, police brutality or what the Coalition of the Revolution's Youth demanded- the end of emergency laws and for free and fair elections....

You and your little chart know better than what is the hearts and minds of the people on the streets of Cairo.

You do not get it and I am not ignoring anything. There is complexity and there is "complexity". E=MC2 is complex, but simple. Real intellect is about being able to simplify concepts and issues that on the surface appear "complex" but are not. This philosophical bit of information appears to be beyond comprehension here. So, you can help Egyptian's with the chant:

Quote:

We want an end to indiscriminate political naturalisation, which has increased the burden on services and oppressed people.
Read more: http://www.tfproject.org/tfp/newrepl...#ixzz1EAAT0bAm

Whatever the hell that means.

dc_dux 02-16-2011 03:41 PM

ace....take the blinders off, put away the psycho-babble and listen, really listen (or read) what the protesters on the streets of Egypt, Algeria, Bahrain, Yemen, etc. are saying.

When you ignore it or mock it, I would describe it as a form of American (or conservative) arrogance, suggesting that you know the reasons behind these uprisings better than those on the streets of these countries.

Charlatan 02-16-2011 04:14 PM

Interesting. All revolutions are about:

A) an enigmatic political concept
b) the ability to feed your family

So where does, "No taxation without representation" fit into that scheme? Were America's founders having trouble feeding their families? How about the Canadian rebellions that sought to break the family compact's influence on the political realm of Upper and Lower Canada? (I know it's a bit of a stretch to expect your understanding of Canadian history... so I'll help you... they weren't starving).

If you insist on boiling these current protests down to some simple slogan, I would suggest it is more about, "Egyptians taking control of Egypt" than anything else. This encompasses, not only the economic realm but the political levers of power that create those opportunities and allow a nation's forward motion through the collective will of the people, rather than the drive of an individual or some oligarchy. In other words, it's not *just* the economy stupid.

Seaver 02-16-2011 04:58 PM

Quote:

The point is that people do not revolt over enigmatic concepts like "democracy", they revolt over matters that are simple and easily defined.

Read more: http://www.tfproject.org/tfp/tilted-...#ixzz1EAnNAAzN
Wrong. There is a higher percentage of doctors, lawyers, and engineers protesting than the lower class. If it was a simple "can't feed my family" the technocrats would be silent. Please do your research on the country before proclaiming what the protesters are protesting.

Quote:

You do not get it and I am not ignoring anything. There is complexity and there is "complexity". E=MC2 is complex, but simple. Real intellect is about being able to simplify concepts and issues that on the surface appear "complex" but are not. This philosophical bit of information appears to be beyond comprehension here. So, you can help Egyptian's with the chant:

Read more: http://www.tfproject.org/tfp/tilted-...#ixzz1EAniZNUR
No real intellect is being able to comprehend the entire picture, not simply cutting and pasting only the parts that agree with your theory.

dlish 02-16-2011 06:59 PM

Quote:

Originally Posted by aceventura3 (Post 2873591)
The point is that people do not revolt over enigmatic concepts like "democracy", they revolt over matters that are simple and easily defined.




Quote:

Originally Posted by aceventura3 (Post 2873591)
Whatever the hell that means.

you obviously have no idea on the way bahrain is run nor do you have any idea on the tensions that run between the ruling sunni minority and the shia majority. but of course, this issue is simply a matter of economics and easily defined.


Quote:

IHRC - Political Naturalization in Bahrain: Various Violations of Citizens and Foreign Workers Rights
Political Naturalization in Bahrain: Various Violations of Citizens and Foreign Workers Rights

01 September 2006

Causes of Worry, Categorizing the Naturalized and General Recommendations

REF: 060090302


The Bahrain Centre for Human Rights (BCHR) is concerned in regards to the progression of the political naturalization. Members of the Representative Council revealed that the authorities might have granted extraordinary citizenships to almost 10 thousand residents, both Asians and Arabs. This number is added to approximately 30 thousand who might have been extraordinarily granted citizenship during the last 10 years [1]. It is also believed that there are political motives behind the extraordinary naturalization campaigns and especially that they are not carried out openly and are based on racial and sectarian basis, and their timing might be related to the elections which will take place in Bahrain in a few months time.


The BCHR's causes of worry are listed in the following matters:

1. Discrimination and inequality: Naturalization is carried out selectively based on tribal or sectarian origin and not based on the equal right of foreigners in getting the citizenship. [2] Article (6) of the Bahraini citizenship law of 1963 permits granting citizenship with conditions; among them is that the applicant must have residing in Bahrain for 15 years if the applicant is an Arab and 25 years for non-Arabs. However, the basic drawback is in the way the law is enforced: the law does not impose on the authorities to grant the citizenship automatically to those that the law is applicable to, which gives a free scope to discrimination and favouritism in granting the citizenship based on unwritten laws and according to the authority?s tendency and mood, a major problem considering the lack of transparency and accountability.

2. Abuse of power that is granted exceptionally: A large percent of those that have been granted the citizenship have not fulfilled the regular legal requisites, especially the period of residence, therefore they are granted the citizenship by using an extraordinary authority which the law grants to the king in granting citizenship.

3. Manipulating the law and the procedures: While many applications that fulfil the requirements were frozen for many years claiming that the requester was not able to prove cancelling his/her original citizenship, in the political naturalization that procedure is either overstepped or by-passed. In addition, the laws of the countries of origin are violated since they do not permit dual?citizenship like India and Saudi Arabia. Whilst the governments of some of those countries overlook the fact that their citizens have obtained the Bahraini citizenship, the naturalized Syrians for example tackle paying fines to their country?s authorities for not carrying out the military service.

4. Falsifying information: In order to issue a citizenship and identity documents for the naturalized who do not originally live in Bahrain, for example like the Saudi Arabians, or to register those naturalized in certain areas for electoral purposes, the authority?s employees enter fake addresses by confirming addresses in uninhabited areas such as Hawar Islands or by using addresses of houses that are inhabited by other people.

5. Deprivation of citizenship: Although the citizenship is granted extraordinarily to ones who have not fulfilled the criteria of residence and who already hold citizenships of their original countries, hundreds of people who are entitled to it are deprived from it either due to their ethnic origin or their sectarian background even though they do not have any other citizenship [3]. There still are hundreds of families who suffer from psychological, economic and social effects resulting from deprivation of citizenship, though all the required criteria for citizenship were met. The majority of these families are from Persian origins from both the Sunni and Shi?a sect. Article 15 from the Universal Declaration of Human Rights stipulates that ?everyone has the right to a nationality?. Moreover, children who come from a Bahraini mother are deprived from the Bahraini citizenship because of their father?s different nationality, although Bahrain is a member in The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) which states in article 9 that ?states parties shall grant women equal rights with men with respect to the nationality of their children.? The case of Al-Satrawi?s family emerges as an outrageous example of depriving Bahraini families of their right to citizenship and dispersing them as refugees in different countries [4].

6. Violating economic and social rights of citizens and foreign workers: Bahrain suffers from an escalating unemployment rate, low wages and a housing shortage. A large percent of citizens and foreigners suffer from this dilemma [5]. The government, instead of making economic reforms that include organizing foreign workers? import and improving the status of wages and work circumstances for citizens and foreigners in general, the authority, and for political purposes, turns towards settling foreigners in large numbers which adds to the deterioration of living standards and residential conditions as well as increasing social problems. Naturalizing foreign workers does not necessarily mean guaranteeing their rights and improving their living standards, it rather robs them from some privileges such as residential and emigration allowances. The Bahraini authorities refrain from joining the International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of Their Families and justifies this by claiming that settling foreigners jeopardizes the demographic makeup in Bahrain, however we find that the government is currently granting citizenship extraordinarily to a large number of them, based on political purposes and benefits that will be reaped.

7. Violating political rights: manipulating elections to reinforce supremacy and tyranny: The timing of the naturalization?s process, its degree and the way the beneficiary are chosen, affects the elections directly, which prejudices the rights of the people and raises racial and sectarian discord and that is to the advantage of the authority?s dominance over the state?s institutions. The wide-ranging naturalization process that the authority is performing is associated with changing the law that is related to political rights, so as to granting the naturalized the right to nominate and elect instantly instead of waiting 10 years.

8. Using the foreigners as mercenaries and granting them privileges [6]: The government recruits workers from other countries of a certain ethnic and sectarian background to work in security and military apparatuses. The government favours them over regular citizens in work privileges and services, and uses them in suppression apparatuses, like the Special Security Force, which is widely accused of using excessive force against citizens in peaceful gatherings. It also provides them with closed residence compounds and extraordinarily grants them citizenships in large numbers.

9. Arising racial and sectarian tension and hatred towards foreigners (xenophobia): Due to racial and sectarian discrimination in granting the Bahraini citizenship, and the political and economic prejudice resulting from the authority?s aforementioned policies, the way is paved for racial and sectarian tension on both the political and social level, which causes inflexibility and hatred towards foreigners in general, which does not exclude those who obtained the citizenship in a normal way.

10. Lack of transparency: Even though the authority denies the existence of selective naturalization for political aims, it refuses to reveal the number of people that have been naturalized, their identities and the countries they came from.

11. Lack of monitoring and accountability: The government prevented the Council of Representatives from investigating the naturalization policies and practices, and that was done through a decree it had issued which prevents the Council from questioning the government on matters preceding its formation. The representatives and political societies as well as institutions of the civil society are tentative and hesitant in discussing the political naturalization in a serious and sincere way as it might wrong the countries king?s actions, which exposes them to the authority's resentment and perhaps severe legal pursuing.

roachboy 02-17-2011 04:38 AM

an interesting and useful essay by olivier roy that looks at tunisia and egypt as "post-islamicist revolutions"....an excerpt:

Quote:

What we see are people whose demands are focused mainly on dignity, on “respect” – a motto that emerged in Algeria in the late 1990s. Protestors are making demands in the name of universal human values. But what is important is that today people are demanding democracy as a right that is no longer something imported from the West. That is what makes it so crucially different from what the Bush administration promoted as democracy in 2003, which was unacceptable because it lacked any political legitimacy in the region, and instead was associated with a U.S. military intervention. However paradoxical it sounds, the fact is that the weakened position of the U.S. In the Middle East and the pragmatic posture of the Obama administration today have opened the way for an indigenous demand for democracy to emerge and take hold with its own legitimacy.
the piece is worth a read:

Post-Islamic Revolution" -- Events in Egypt Analyzed by French Expert on Political Islam | February 2011

meanwhile it appears the the government of bahrain has authorized a violent attack on the protestors there:

Live Blog - Bahrain | Al Jazeera Blogs

aceventura3 02-18-2011 08:51 AM

Quote:

Originally Posted by dc_dux (Post 2873613)
ace....take the blinders off, put away the psycho-babble and listen...


From the guy who wrote "...indiscriminate political naturalisation..."???

dc_dux 02-18-2011 08:59 AM

Quote:

Originally Posted by aceventura3 (Post 2874175)
From the guy who wrote "...indiscriminate political naturalisation..."???

ace...get a grip.

I didnt write it. It was one of many demands, nearly all non-economic. of the leading protest group in Bahrain.

And, dlish offered an article that explained it.

Evidently, you didnt bother to read the article so I will make it simple so that even you can understand.

Those running the country are Sunni minority. Shiias in the country face discrimination at many level and this is just an example of one such policy.

aceventura3 02-18-2011 09:00 AM

Quote:

Originally Posted by Charlatan (Post 2873616)
Interesting. All revolutions are about:

A) an enigmatic political concept
b) the ability to feed your family

You underestimate the significance and broad coverage of choice B.

Quote:

So where does, "No taxation without representation" fit into that scheme?
That is clearly item B. That phrase has very little to do with a political system.

Quote:

Were America's founders having trouble feeding their families?
Unjust taxation through a colonial system designed to exploit the labor and resources of far away lands and people are never sustainable. I am not sure how you disagree - I did not say things had to be at the level of starvation. To the contrary, people literally starving rarely initiate revolution.

Quote:

How about the Canadian rebellions that sought to break the family compact's influence on the political realm of Upper and Lower Canada? (I know it's a bit of a stretch to expect your understanding of Canadian history... so I'll help you... they weren't starving).
I am not familiar with the above. But revolutions are different in my view than political movements or incremental changes through a political process.

dc_dux 02-18-2011 09:04 AM

Quote:

Originally Posted by aceventura3 (Post 2874177)

That is clearly item B. That phrase has very little to do with a political system.

Wait...so now you are suggesting that "taxation without representation" (and the broader goal it represents) has very little to do with the political system?

Or the right to self-determination, representation in the government and free and fair elections?

WTF?

aceventura3 02-18-2011 09:56 AM

Quote:

Originally Posted by Seaver (Post 2873632)
Wrong. There is a higher percentage of doctors, lawyers, and engineers protesting than the lower class. If it was a simple "can't feed my family" the technocrats would be silent. Please do your research on the country before proclaiming what the protesters are protesting.

No, I am not wrong. First, I doubt your "percentage" comment adds up. To suggest that a higher percentage is upper class in a country where the most people live in poverty is hard to believe and you give no source. I agree that "technocrats" as a class will join a revolution, but if they lead a revolution the message and appeal has to be targeted to the masses-or the people who are not upper-class.


Quote:

No real intellect is being able to comprehend the entire picture, not simply cutting and pasting only the parts that agree with your theory.
Perhaps there is a difference between what I share here and what I know. Often it is impossible to get beyond superficial name calling and ad hominim argument here. So, the obvious question to you is - have you come to a conclusion on less than the entire picture?

---------- Post added at 05:23 PM ---------- Previous post was at 05:20 PM ----------

Quote:

Originally Posted by dlish (Post 2873658)
you obviously have no idea on the way bahrain is run nor do you have any idea on the tensions that run between the ruling sunni minority and the shia majority. but of course, this issue is simply a matter of economics and easily defined.

You talking about the tensions that have been there since about 600 a.d. - and last month all of a sudden they start a "revolution" - o.k., is that your story?

---------- Post added at 05:26 PM ---------- Previous post was at 05:23 PM ----------

Quote:

Originally Posted by dc_dux (Post 2874176)
ace...get a grip.

I didnt write it.

O.k. you typed it in your post. Sorry.

---------- Post added at 05:42 PM ---------- Previous post was at 05:26 PM ----------

Quote:

Originally Posted by roachboy (Post 2873800)
an interesting and useful essay by olivier roy that looks at tunisia and egypt as "post-islamicist revolutions"....an excerpt:

Roach, I am proud of the fact that we stand as "brothers" unified in the support of Egyptians as they fight for capitalist ideals - the ability for everyone to make excessive profits in a free market not controlled by tyrants, military or centralized command. Of course the article you cited misses the mark but I did find one more useful:

Quote:

The Egyptian military defends the country, but it also runs day care centers and beach resorts. Its divisions make television sets, jeeps, washing machines, wooden furniture and olive oil, as well as bottled water under a brand reportedly named after a general’s daughter, Safi.

From this vast web of businesses, the military pays no taxes, employs conscripted labor, buys public land on favorable terms and discloses nothing to Parliament or the public.

Since the ouster last week of President Hosni Mubarak, of course, the military also runs the government.

And some scholars, economists and business groups say it has already begun taking steps to protect the privileges of its gated economy, discouraging changes that some argue are crucial if Egypt is to emerge as a more stable, prosperous country.

“Protecting its businesses from scrutiny and accountability is a red line the military will draw,” said Robert Springborg, an expert on Egypt’s military at the Naval Postgraduate School.

“And that means there can be no meaningful civilian oversight.”

Field Marshal Mohamed Hussein Tantawi, the minister of defense and military production who now leads the council of officers ruling Egypt, has been a strong advocate of government control of prices and production.

He has consistently opposed steps to open up the economy, according to diplomatic cables made public by WikiLeaks. And already there are signs that the military is purging from the cabinet and ruling party advocates of market-oriented economic changes, like selling off state-owned companies and reducing barriers to trade.
News Headlines

You do agree that the Egyptian people are fed up with being exploited and will not tolerate it from Mubarak or the military, don't you?

Power to the people.

---------- Post added at 05:56 PM ---------- Previous post was at 05:42 PM ----------

Quote:

Originally Posted by dc_dux (Post 2874178)
Wait...so now you are suggesting that "taxation without representation" (and the broader goal it represents) has very little to do with the political system?

Yes.

When did the revolution start - 1775.

When was our form of government established - 1777. it did not become effective until 1781.

So, what eventually became the US, was initiated and fought by people before our form of government was even conceived. They did not even know what the form of government was going to be - and there was a heck of a lot of debate and the "C" word (compromise) right. Good thing I wasn't involved, no slavery or no union.

roachboy 02-18-2011 10:01 AM

meanwhile, out in the world that exists outside the tiny confines of ace's skull....

more violence in bahrain and libya.
clashes in yemen
demonstrations in iraq
in egypt, a massive turnout in tahrir square to keep the pressure on the military to carry out what has been demanded, to actually release prisoners and stop disappearing protestors, etc.
the more radical demands are for the elimination of the oligarchy itself. there's been an avalanche of corruption lawsuits over the past week...but the process is only just starting.
meanwhile strikes continue. the military does not have real control. it is interesting to watch.


here's an interesting blogpost assessing the situation in saudi arabia.
note the demands below.

Quote:

The Arab Revolution Saudi Update

Remember, in a former post, when I said that Saudis were captivated and shocked by what happened in Tunis and Egypt but hadn’t collectively made up their mind about it? Well it appears that they have. Everywhere I go and everything I read points to a revolution in our own country in the foreseeable future. However we are still on the ledge and haven’t jumped yet.

I know that some analysts are worried particularly of Saudi Arabia being taken over by Al Qaeda or a Sunni version of the Iranian Islamic Revolution. Calm down. Besides my gut feeling (which is rarely wrong), the overwhelming majority of people speaking out and calling out for a revolution are people who want democracy and civil rights and not more of our current Arab tradition based adaptation of Sharia. My theory of why that is, is that Al Qaeda has already exhausted its human resources here. The available muttawas, are career muttawas (fatwa sheikhs) and minor muttawas (PVPV) of convenience both paid by the government and do not want the current win-win deal between them and the government to sour. So it’s unlikely that they would actively seek change. Actually quite the opposite, they will resist and delay as much as they can. Fortunately the winds of change can’t be deterred by a PVPV cruiser.

Last night Prince Talal Bin Abdul Alaziz, the king’s half-brother, did a TV interview on BBC Arabia that was widely watched and discussed. In it he warned of an upcoming storm if reforms aren’t dealt with right now. He used the word “evils” to describe what would happen if King Abdullah passed away before ordering the required changes. Prince Talal also strongly advocated a constitutional monarchy and democracy as long as it’s similar to what they have in Kuwait and Jordon. However he hinted that there were people in the ruling family who do not believe in change.

This whole past week was eventful. The first political party to form during King’s Abdullah’s reign, the Islamic Umma Party, has been arrested. According to the party’s released statement, they were informed that they would not be released until they sign a document promising that they will abandon all political aspirations.
In Qatif, a Shia majority area in Eastern Saudi, there is talk that there was a protest demanding the release of political prisoners yesterday. Ahmed Al Omran from SaudiJeans tweeted a pamphlet that was being distributed in Qatif, calling for protests today, Feb 18th, at 8pm.

A hashtag on Twitter, #EgyEffectSa, about the effect of Egypt on Saudi was popular, with a lot of courageous Saudis speaking their mind. The common thread across most of the tweets was for human rights, freedom of speech, democracy and government accountability.

Saving the best for last, a 6100 strong and growing group on Facebook has been started. The group is only for Saudis and you need to be approved to join. I’ve translated their demands:

The People want to Reform the Government Campaign

To support the right of the Saudi people and their legitimate aspirations:
1 – a constitutional monarchy between the king and government.
2 – a written constitution approved by the people in which governing powers will be determined.
3 – transparency, accountability in fighting corruption
4 – the Government in the service of the people
5 – legislative elections.
6 – public freedoms and respect for human rights
7 – allowing civil society institutions
8 – full citizenship and the abolition of all forms of discrimination.
9 – Adoption of the rights of women and non-discrimination against them.
10 – an independent and fair judiciary.
11 – impartial development and equitable distribution of wealth.
12 – to seriously address the problem of unemployment

Impressive, right?! And if these demands aren’t met, according to a lot of the discussions on the group’s page, there will be a protest in Riyadh on Olaya street March 11th. I was also impressed by their code of conduct in which they committed to no sectarianism, no violence or incitement to violence, and no hate speech.
Everyone is holding their breath and delaying doing anything drastic until the King is back. Reports vary, some say he is expected Monday, others say Wednesday. Either way, whatever he does when he gets back will decide the fate of our country. In my opinion, the least he can do is draw up and announce a clear succession that will carry the throne from the brothers’ generation into their sons’. As this is an area of great concern and instability for Saudis because we fear that without a clear and public succession, we might have a civil war between factions of the ruling family. King Abdullah should name names such as heir1 then heir2 then heir3…etc so that the fifth or sixth is a ten or twelve year old. Thus stability is maintained fifty years into the future. Another thing that needs to be done is to aggressively fight corruption and promote transparency and accountability for everyone no matter who they are. If these two issues are taken care of as soon as he gets off the plane, then I predict that things just might calm down and a lot of people won’t be so anxious for change. If not, then the campaign above will just grow bigger and bigger and many more will crop up until eventually the Saudi people will cross the revolution threshold.
The Arab Revolution Saudi Update | Saudiwoman's Weblog

aceventura3 02-18-2011 01:47 PM

Quote:

Originally Posted by roachboy (Post 2874206)
meanwhile, out in the world that exists outside the tiny confines of ace's skull....

I think there are two possibilities, either you support the revolution for free market capitalism for the masses or you support the trade of one form of tyrannical rule for another. I bet you o.k. with tyrannical rule as long as it is consistent with your economic ideology. Perhaps, "power to the people" does not characterize what you think is best for Egypt.

Or, do you really believe that without economic reform that includes free market capitalism Egyptians will be o.k. with what is from your post:

Quote:

to actually release prisoners and stop disappearing protestors, etc.
the more radical demands are for the elimination of the oligarchy itself.
And if I may, on this idea of the more radical demands for the elimination of oligarchy -

Isn't the US form of democracy as a political system an oligarchy?
Is there a workable political system in operation on a national level anywhere in the world that is not an oligarchy?
Is the elimination of oligarchy really the ultimate goal of the protesters or is it perhaps more basic?

And before you go into your thing about my skull, understand that some people with formal lernin' have had the same questions:

Quote:

Robert Michels believed that any political system eventually evolves into an oligarchy. He called this the iron law of oligarchy. According to this school of thought, modern democracies should be considered as oligarchies. In these systems, actual differences between viable political rivals are small, the oligarchic elite impose strict limits on what constitutes an acceptable and respectable political position, and politicians' careers depend heavily on unelected economic and media elites. Thus the popular phrase: there is only one political party, the incumbent party.
Oligarchy - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

I thought you would be one who was all into the "iron law of oligarchy" thing. But, I have been wrong many times.

But that is boring stuff, tell me more about my imagination or that I don't know noth'n - or how about 'oh my goodness, he used Wikipedia'...:rolleyes:

roachboy 02-18-2011 02:08 PM

how about we actually stick to the topic of the thread?
that topic is not you, ace.

sorry.

Baraka_Guru 02-18-2011 02:08 PM

ace, capitalism is a mode of economics, not a system of government. And free-market capitalism is a concept, not a practice.

And why must you always think in absolutes?

Capitalism will be a part of the picture. However, capitalism in itself is not a panacea for social ills.

dc_dux 02-18-2011 02:30 PM

oh no....the ace A or B Solutions for Simpletons Game again.

A - support the revolution for free market capitalism even though the revolution was about basic human rights and not free market capitalism. (BTW, free market capitalism does not exist anywhere in the world.)

or

B - support the trade of one form of tyrannical rule for another

How about neither of the above?

---------- Post added at 05:30 PM ---------- Previous post was at 05:17 PM ----------

Quote:

Originally Posted by roachboy (Post 2873800)
an interesting and useful essay by olivier roy that looks at tunisia and egypt as "post-islamicist revolutions"....an excerpt:

Quote:

What we see are people whose demands are focused mainly on dignity, on “respect” – a motto that emerged in Algeria in the late 1990s. Protestors are making demands in the name of universal human values. But what is important is that today people are demanding democracy as a right that is no longer something imported from the West. That is what makes it so crucially different from what the Bush administration promoted as democracy in 2003, which was unacceptable because it lacked any political legitimacy in the region, and instead was associated with a U.S. military intervention. However paradoxical it sounds, the fact is that the weakened position of the U.S. In the Middle East and the pragmatic posture of the Obama administration today have opened the way for an indigenous demand for democracy to emerge and take hold with its own legitimacy.
http://www.europeaninstitute.org/Feb...liver-roy.html

the piece is worth a read

Well stated.

Seaver 02-18-2011 04:18 PM

Quote:

Or, do you really believe that without economic reform that includes free market capitalism Egyptians will be o.k. with what is from your post:
Read more: http://www.tfproject.org/tfp/tilted-...#ixzz1EMLaLKMF
Would you be ok living in China because they're capitalistic even though they have 0 rights? Government systems and economic systems are separate.

Quote:

Isn't the US form of democracy as a political system an oligarchy?
Is there a workable political system in operation on a national level anywhere in the world that is not an oligarchy?
Is the elimination of oligarchy really the ultimate goal of the protesters or is it perhaps more basic?


Read more: http://www.tfproject.org/tfp/tilted-...#ixzz1EMMFgWAj
A complete tangent but I'll bite. You're right, the US is an oligarchy. It's also the biggest danger we as a country face, as the rich families convince us to continually vote in their favor as the country itself suffers. Hell I learned a long time ago I'd never get to retire... at least now I know it's because of the oligarchy we live in.

Quote:

No, I am not wrong. First, I doubt your "percentage" comment adds up. To suggest that a higher percentage is upper class in a country where the most people live in poverty is hard to believe and you give no source. I agree that "technocrats" as a class will join a revolution, but if they lead a revolution the message and appeal has to be targeted to the masses-or the people who are not upper-class.

Read more: http://www.tfproject.org/tfp/tilted-...#ixzz1EMJD3Q7w
You continually show your lack of education for the region Ace, please stop arguing about stuff you've had 0 education in.

Lawyers, Engineers, and Doctors are NOT the upper class in Egypt. They belong to the technocrat class, a class that developed as a result of free education granted in the Socialist system through the 70s/80s/90s. The good part about it is it created from scratch an educated Middle Class where before none existed, the problem is they had too many highly educated people who now found themselves without jobs that supported their education. We are seeing more or less the same thing here in the US, where employment levels for College Grads are approaching 30% when you don't count jobs that pay less than $25k.

This causes a big issue when educated people are not granted social climbing abilities, as seen in Egypt where the Government chooses who is allowed to be successful and the military controls the vast majority of production in the country. These technocrats are the face of the revolution in Egypt. They have no problem feeding their families, but have no opportunity for social advancement regardless of skills possessed. Notice this isn't 100% in opposition to your economic justification for the problems, but you'll also notice it's significantly more complex than your "can't feed the kids" reasons that have almost no basis in the reality for the country.

Please don't just "quotation" any word you've never heard of before and write off the entire reason for it to be there. It's not too hard to google something you don't know, and it might enlighten entire aspects of the world you don't know.

dlish 02-18-2011 09:00 PM

Quote:

Originally Posted by aceventura3 (Post 2874185)
You talking about the tensions that have been there since about 600 a.d. - and last month all of a sudden they start a "revolution" - o.k., is that your story

No. im talking about Bahrain, not the sunni-shia split in Islam. I stand by my comment that you have no idea about the motivations of the Bahraini protestors.

in other news in Bahrain, interesting news coming from al jazeera is that wikileaks documents have Bahraini officials warning the US that some people in the Bahraini opposition have been trained by Hezbollah in lebanon. lt looks like the iranian element may be at play here.

roachboy 02-19-2011 06:38 AM

dlish: bahrain is different than the north african countries in terms of social composition (the overlay of shiá/sunni onto class differences)....and it seems more likely that iran might be interested in stoking the fire there in the abstract....but at the same time the mubarak regime was arresting people right and left the week before it fell including a couple friends....and they found themselves labeled iranian agents and/or as working for hezbollah....so that's also a red flag to wave, first to generate paranoia amongst the population and second in front of the united states as a way to shore up support for a crumbling dictatorship.


the revolt that's unfolding cannot be capitalist in the sense that it cannot and will not replicate the assymetries of wealth and power and the concentrations in the usage of resources like water....removing repressive regimes is a first step to dismantling (to one extent or another) the oligarchies that grew around those regimes; there is also economic policy/orientation and rationalities that need to be rethought once a transition into a different political arrangement is effected.

the information below about water is interesting...

Quote:

Freedom will not chase away the Arab world's triple crisis
By Nafeez Mosaddeq Ahmed
Commentary by
Saturday, February 19, 2011

Economic want and inequality as much as political repression incited the Egyptian and Tunisian revolutions. It is, of course, to be hoped that new governments in these countries, and other Arab leaders, will better address ordinary people’s grievances. But a mere change of government will not make these countries’ economic problems go away. The converging effects of population growth, climate change, and energy depletion are setting the stage for a looming triple crisis.

The Arab world accounts for 6.3 percent of the world’s population but only 1.4 percent of its renewable fresh water. Twelve of the world’s 15 most water-scarce countries – Algeria, Libya, Tunisia, Jordan, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Yemen, Oman, the United Arab Emirates, Kuwait, Bahrain, Israel and Palestine – are in the region, and in eight, available fresh water amounts annually to less than 250 cubic meters per person. Three-quarters of the region’s available fresh water is in just four countries: Iran, Iraq, Syria and Turkey.

Water consumption in the region is linked overwhelmingly to industrial agriculture. From 1965 to 1997, population growth drove demand for agricultural development, leading to a doubling of land under irrigation. Demographic expansion in these countries is set to dramatically worsen their predicament.

Although birth rates are falling, one-third of the overall population is below 15 years old, and large numbers of young women are reaching reproductive age, or soon will be. The United Kingdom’s Defense Ministry has projected that by 2030 the population of the Middle East will increase by 132 percent, and that of sub-Saharan Africa by 81 percent, generating an unprecedented “youth bulge.”

The World Bank’s Water Sector Assessment Report on the Gulf countries, published in 2005, predicts that these demographic pressures will likely cause the availability of fresh water to halve, exacerbating the danger of inter-state conflict. Competition to control water has already played a key role in regional geopolitical tensions, for instance, between Turkey and Syria; Jordan, Israel and the Palestinian Authority; Egypt, Sudan and Ethiopia; and between Saudi Arabia and its neighbors, Qatar, Bahrain and Jordan.

A halving of available water supplies could turn these tensions into open hostilities. Indeed, while economic growth, accompanied by greater urbanization and higher per capita incomes, has translated into greater demand for fresh water, the population movements that have resulted are now exacerbating local ethnic tensions.

As early as 2015, the average Arab will be forced to survive on less than 500 cubic meters of water per year, a level defined as severe scarcity. Shifts in rainfall patterns will certainly affect crops, particularly rice. A “business-as-usual” model for climate change suggests that global average temperatures could rise by 4 degrees Celsius by mid-century. This would devastate agriculture in the region, with crop yields falling by 15-35 percent, depending on the strength of carbon fertilization.

The cost of infrastructure capable of responding to the intensifying water crisis could amount to trillions of dollars, and its development would itself be energy-intensive. As a result, new infrastructure would only mitigate the impact of scarcity on richer countries.

Hydrocarbon energy depletion is set to complicate matters even more. In its World Energy Outlook for 2010, the International Energy Agency argued that conventional oil production worldwide probably peaked in 2006, and is now declining. This conclusion fits the latest output data, which shows that world oil production has been undulating but gradually falling since around 2005. Yet the IEA also argued that the shortfall will be made up from greater exploitation of unconventional oil and gas reserves, albeit at far higher prices, owing to the greater environmental and extraction costs.

The bad news is that the IEA’s optimism about unconventional sources could be misplaced. The six biggest Middle Eastern oil-producing countries officially hold around 740 billion barrels of proven oil reserves. But the British geologist Euan Mearns of Aberdeen University notes that published data put the most likely size of these reserves at only around 350 billion barrels. And the U.K. government’s former chief scientific adviser, David King, found in a study for Energy Policy that official world oil reserves had been overstated by up to one-third – implying that we are on the verge of a major “tipping point” in oil production.

All of this means not only that the era of cheap oil is over, but also that, within the next decade or so, major oil-producing countries will struggle against costly geological constraints. If that proves to be true, then by 2020 – and perhaps as early as 2015 – the contribution of Middle East oil to world energy consumption could become negligible. That would mean a catastrophic loss of state revenues for today’s major Arab oil-producing countries, rendering them highly vulnerable to the compounding consequences of existing water shortages, rapid demographic expansion, climate change, and declining crop yields.

This worst-case scenario is not inevitable, but there is only a short window of opportunity for policies to address the situation. Reviving conservation, management and distribution efforts could reduce water consumption and increase efficiency, but these measures need to be combined with radical reforms to speed the transition away from oil dependence to a zero-carbon renewable-energy infrastructure.

Concerted investments in health, education and citizens’ rights, especially for women, are the key tools for alleviating population growth in the region and diversifying its economies. It is now increasingly clear that Arab governments that fail to implement such measures urgently are unlikely to survive.


Nafeez Mosaddeq Ahmed is executive director of the Institute for Policy Research & Development in London, and the author of “A User’s Guide to the Crisis of Civilization: And How to Save It.” THE DAILY STAR publishes this commentary in collaboration with Project Syndicate-Europe’s World © (Project Syndicate - the highest quality op-ed ( opinion-editorial ) articles and commentaries and Europe's World - The only Europe-wide ideas Community).
(The Daily Star :: Lebanon News :: Lebanon News :: Middle East News :: The Daily Star - Lebanon)


libya
bahrain
algeria
yemen

Libya and Bahrain protests ? LIVE | World news | guardian.co.uk

AJE - Al Jazeera English


and just in case you thought that all this change would be reflected in any way in united states policy toward israel....

US vetoes UN draft on settlements - Middle East - Al Jazeera English

unbelievable.

dlish 02-20-2011 04:31 AM

i have a friend who lives in Manama in Bahrain who i spoke to yesterday. He's not in a position to say too much right now, which is understandable, but what he did say was that where he is, there is absolutely nothing going in in or around his neighbourhood.

By the sounds of it, he seems to think that there's just a few punks running around causing a ruckus and they're getting the exposure they want on Al Jazeera.

has AJ taken a stand to report in a biased manner against all of these governments? AJ has reported in the last few days that Libya has blocked access for AJ to broacast there as well as access to the AJ website.

AJ is not winning friends in the arab world right now. What i find interesting is that if things start to go haywire in Qatar, how would AJ report it? would they even be allowed to broadcast?

roachboy 02-20-2011 08:26 AM

the reports coming out of libya are really grim. there may be 200 people killed already in benghazi. rumors are that mercenaries are being brought in from chad and sudan to suppress the protestors. they are apparently firing live ammunition at unarmed people.

i don't think the problem is al jazeera.

Baraka_Guru 02-20-2011 07:24 PM

Regarding Libya, I hear numbers could be as high as 300 to 500, while "official" numbers are just above 80.

Yet after this unrest, it would seem the regime in Libya could be poised to fall next, despite the incoming mercenary forces. It's still early, and it hasn't been confirmed, but the Libyan ambassador to China has resigned on the air, and stated that the brothers Gaddafi had it out with gunfire and Gaddafi himself may have fled the country.

Regardless, things are looking quite volatile. One of Gaddafi's sons has admitted that the east has been lost.

Libyan PM Gaddafi may have fled country, says Al Jazeera, citing unconfirmed reports | The Daily Telegraph

Charlatan 02-20-2011 08:26 PM

I was reading that the median age of the population in many of these countries is anywhere from 20 to 26. The median age is the age that divides the population (i.e. half of the population of any one of these countries is below the age of 20-26). Compare this to a median age of, roughly, 40 in the US or UK.

If you add into this, that many of these youth have been highly educated at the expense of the government (a form of buying off opposition using oil profits) you can see where a massive amount of discontent is coming from.

What I continue to find amazing is that a lot of this does not appear to be driven by the Fundamentalists.

dlish 02-20-2011 08:47 PM

its borne out of discontent of the rule of tyrants. Saif Ghaddafi isnt any better than his father, though he's more sellable to the west. i really think its time to try another system of government if the last one did work for 42 years.

if they dont do it now, another libyan generation will live under similar rule and under similar oppression. 42 years is a long run..how many american presidents have we had in the meantime?

charlatan- is there a difference between Fundamentalists & fundamentalists?

Baraka_Guru 02-20-2011 09:13 PM

Quote:

Originally Posted by dlish (Post 2874882)
if they dont do it now, another libyan generation will live under similar rule and under similar oppression. 42 years is a long run..how many american presidents have we had in the meantime?

Richard Nixon wasn't even president for a year when Gaddafi became de facto leader.

Charlatan 02-20-2011 11:02 PM

I suppose there is a difference but I was not intending one. The capitalization was unintentional.

dlish 02-21-2011 04:13 AM

well the gaddafi's are blaming the fundamentalists at the moment ...as well as "troublemakers"...it may have been "hoodlums" i dont remember, but it makes no difference really. I think they're all made up anyways.

i dont even know if there's a religious party in Libya that would be influencial enough to make any impact on the reformists.

aceventura3 02-21-2011 01:09 PM

Quote:

Originally Posted by roachboy (Post 2874278)
how about we actually stick to the topic of the thread?
that topic is not you, ace.

sorry.

You choose to ignore the substance of posts that contains question, comment, argument or information that does not support your point of view, while making sport of commenting on the poster. You should be sorry for that. I make sport of targeting you because of your arrogance to posters who either challenge you or make a comment not consistent with your ideology. Whenever you want to elevate the discourse, it will be done. Yes, I already know that I am kinda petty, like that - but at least I know it when I am doing it.

---------- Post added at 09:04 PM ---------- Previous post was at 09:00 PM ----------

Quote:

Originally Posted by Baraka_Guru (Post 2874279)
ace, capitalism is a mode of economics, not a system of government. And free-market capitalism is a concept, not a practice.

I worship at the alter of capitalism, so to speak. I put capitalism above any form of government. In my mind capitalism is more than just a concept.

Quote:

And why must you always think in absolutes?
It is my nature.

I can ask you - why do you think in straight lines and right angles? Your thought processes are linear - similar to many others who post here.

Quote:

Capitalism will be a part of the picture. However, capitalism in itself is not a panacea for social ills.
I disagree.

---------- Post added at 09:09 PM ---------- Previous post was at 09:04 PM ----------

Quote:

Originally Posted by dc_dux (Post 2874281)
oh no....the ace A or B Solutions for Simpletons Game again.

A - support the revolution for free market capitalism even though the revolution was about basic human rights and not free market capitalism. (BTW, free market capitalism does not exist anywhere in the world.)

or

B - support the trade of one form of tyrannical rule for another

How about neither of the above?

---------- Post added at 05:30 PM ---------- Previous post was at 05:17 PM ----------


Well stated.

What is a more basic human right than being able to profit ( gain benefit) from one's labor, intellect and property?

If you ever answer any question, please think about and answer this one. Perhaps, if you do answer, we can understand each other for once.

roachboy 02-21-2011 01:24 PM

libya's un delegation has had enough:

http://www.nytimes.com/2011/02/22/wo...ef=global-home

there have been reports of resignations in multiple libyan embassies around the world in protest of kadhafi's use of mercenaries (in some reports) or the army (in others) to massacre civilians in benghazi and tripoli (the former being at this point confirmed as worse...but reports are sketchy still).

two fighters defected to malta after the pilots refused to fire on protestors.
there are reports of other pilots also refusing in benghazi.

Live Blog - Libya | Al Jazeera Blogs

other reports of army incursion into cities in the east are counter-balanced with reports that the libyan army has moved off the egyptian border.

the situation in tripoli is apparently a function of class position; pretty quiet in middle-class areas, bombing of poorer areas. again, so go the reports.

there are caravans with medical supplies heading from egypt.

it's a brutal situation at the moment.

meanwhile

Quote:

Oil surges as Libyan protests threaten supply

By Jack Farchy in London

Published: February 21 2011 12:22 | Last updated: February 21 2011 12:22

Oil prices jumped to a two-year high above $105 a barrel as the wave of protests that has swept across the Middle East hits Libya, for the first time affecting a significant producer of crude.

Traders said the growing unrest in Libya – where a bloody weekend ended with more than 200 people reported killed – was more significant to the oil market than earlier protests in Tunisia and Egypt.

“Compared to Tunisia (a minor crude exporter) or Egypt (not an exporter but a transit country), instability in Libya is a major concern to the oil industry,” said JBC Energy, a Vienna-based consultancy.

Libya is a medium-sized member of Opec, the oil producers’ cartel, producing 1.6m barrels a day out of a global total of 88.5m barrels a day, according to data from the International Energy Agency. It is an important exporter of crude to Europe, supplying just over 1m barrels a day to the continent, with Italy, France and Germany the top importers.

Crude oil futures rallied sharply on Monday after a weekend of protests and violence across the country, which culminated in a speech by Seif al-Islam Gaddafi, the son of leader Muammer Gaddafi, in which he warned that a civil war could result in Libya’s oil being “burned by thugs, criminals, gangs and tribes”.

European Brent oil futures rose 2.5 per cent to a peak of $105.08 a barrel – the highest since September 2008. West Texas Intermediate, the US benchmark, was 3.6 per cent higher at $89.33.

Precious metals also benefited from the uncertainty in the Middle East, as investors sought safety and switched out of assets perceived as riskier. Gold touched $1,400 an ounce for the first time since early January, up 1.2 per cent on the day, while silver hit a fresh 30-year high of $33.50.

The immediate effect of the unrest on Libya’s oil production was unclear.

The market was buoyed by an unconfirmed report from Al-Jazeera, the Arab news channel, that a strike had stopped production at the Nafoora oilfield in the country’s Sirte basin.

European majors such as BP, Royal Dutch Shell and Statoil said they had halted some exploration operations in the country and evacuated staff.
FT.com / Commodities - Oil surges as Libyan protests threaten supply

aceventura3 02-21-2011 01:27 PM

Quote:

Originally Posted by Seaver (Post 2874314)
Would you be ok living in China because they're capitalistic even though they have 0 rights? Government systems and economic systems are separate.

Your question is confusing, because I do not know how you have real capitalism without rights.

Quote:

A complete tangent but I'll bite. You're right, the US is an oligarchy. It's also the biggest danger we as a country face, as the rich families convince us to continually vote in their favor as the country itself suffers. Hell I learned a long time ago I'd never get to retire... at least now I know it's because of the oligarchy we live in.
I moved out of California because those in power were not in sync with my views. I moved to a state where those in power more closely reflected my values. hence I have no problem with oligarchy, when those in power reflect my views and my values.

Quote:

You continually show your lack of education for the region Ace, please stop arguing about stuff you've had 0 education in.
That is my point. You and others seem to think this situation is somehow special and unique - it is not. Human behavior is predictable.

Quote:

We are seeing more or less the same thing here in the US, where employment levels for College Grads are approaching 30% when you don't count jobs that pay less than $25k.
Excessive centralized controls over the economy, like in Egypt hinders productive employment. Egypt, and to a lesser degree here, has an economy not growing fast enough to absorb the growth in the labor pool. The problem is global in scope and affecting various countries in various degrees - but it stll comes down to economics. That has been the general theme of the points I present, and it is not complicated.

Quote:

Please don't just "quotation" any word you've never heard of before and write off the entire reason for it to be there. It's not too hard to google something you don't know, and it might enlighten entire aspects of the world you don't know.
When I use quotations around a word, it is often when that word is open to various interpretations or is more context based than would be the case in normal discourse.

---------- Post added at 09:27 PM ---------- Previous post was at 09:24 PM ----------

Quote:

Originally Posted by dlish (Post 2874387)
No. im talking about Bahrain, not the sunni-shia split in Islam. I stand by my comment that you have no idea about the motivations of the Bahraini protestors.

in other news in Bahrain, interesting news coming from al jazeera is that wikileaks documents have Bahraini officials warning the US that some people in the Bahraini opposition have been trained by Hezbollah in lebanon. lt looks like the iranian element may be at play here.

I agree that there are going to be factions in a "revolution" that will have what may be considered hidden motivations not consistent with the motives of the masses.

dlish 02-21-2011 01:41 PM

i was watching aljazeera arabic, and aljazeera english seems tame in comparison.

i also watch al arabia arabic channel, and the comparison between it and al jazeera is worlds apart.

aljazeera is reporting 250 dead in carpet bombing of protesters in tripoli. There are also reports coming out that an air force general is warning the protesters of bombing by air within the next hour.

all in all, a dire situation. you cant turn on your people and expect them to support you. this has got to be the endgame for this tyrant.

Baraka_Guru 02-21-2011 03:26 PM

Quote:

Originally Posted by aceventura3 (Post 2875097)
I worship at the alter of capitalism, so to speak. I put capitalism above any form of government. In my mind capitalism is more than just a concept.

Capitalism is more than a concept. Free-market capitalism is just a concept.

Quote:

It is my nature.
This is unfortunate because it limits you to a theoretical mode of thinking. It is probably why we disagree much of the time, and would also explain why much of the time our discussions are non-starters.

Quote:

I can ask you - why do you think in straight lines and right angles? Your thought processes are linear - similar to many others who post here.
Can I get an explanation with an example? I try to think of these things logically and realistically. If that brings about a linear process, then so be it.

Quote:

I disagree.
I can only assume the reason for this is largely theoretical. In the real world, capitalism in and of itself does not cure social ills. In the real world, capitalism should be tempered with good governance. It's why we have such things as laws against child labour and slavery.

aceventura3 02-22-2011 08:43 AM

Quote:

Originally Posted by Baraka_Guru (Post 2875149)
Capitalism is more than a concept. Free-market capitalism is just a concept.

I know some have a problem when I use quotations, but this is an example of when quotations would come into play - no one that I know has ever clearly defined "free-market capitalism". So, in that regard I agree with you. However, depending on scope and timing there can very well be micro-economies that are based on free-market capitalism.

Quote:

This is unfortunate because it limits you to a theoretical mode of thinking. It is probably why we disagree much of the time, and would also explain why much of the time our discussions are non-starters.
I once described my style of thought to French impressionist art (use of dots or simple yet small definitive brush strokes), to a linear thinker there is no clear image because of the lack of straight lines and the inability or unwillingness to take a step back and look at the picture from a different point of view. Very frequently I feel a need (and it happens with my wife who is also a linear thinker) to have to make a special effort to connect the dots for a linear thinker.

http://faculty.evansville.edu/rl29/a...et_sunrise.jpg



Quote:

Can I get an explanation with an example? I try to think of these things logically and realistically. If that brings about a linear process, then so be it.
An example would be the use of Maslow to understand the "revolution" in Egypt. A linear thinker has problems connecting the two because there is no direct line. A "black and white" thinker says Maslow was correct and is obviously applied to understanding human behavior, even when it comes to Egypt - so the motivators become as clear as a bell very quickly.

Quote:

I can only assume the reason for this is largely theoretical. In the real world, capitalism in and of itself does not cure social ills. In the real world, capitalism should be tempered with good governance. It's why we have such things as laws against child labour and slavery.
This is getting outside the scope of this thread - I stand by my view. Child labor is not inherently bad and slavery is about poor governance or one governing body exploiting another based on force.

Baraka_Guru 02-22-2011 09:05 AM

I don't see it, ace.

Thinking in absolutes doesn't conjure images of impressionism. What is impressionistic about your thinking, however, is that although your big-picture ideas are clear (albeit disagreeable), upon closer examination, they tend to become a confused muddle.

Thinking in absolutes tends to remove context and ignore unavoidable factors and influences.

I've asked you to elucidate, and you've instead bewildered.

It would seem we've come across another non-starter. Enjoy your theories.

roachboy 02-22-2011 09:19 AM

meanwhile, out in the world:

Quote:

5.06pm: Muammar Gaddafi has now finished his speech. A few people seem to be congratulating him – but not many. Here were the key points:

• Gaddafi is not standing down or leaving the country. He said he would die in Libya "as a martyr".

• He called upon his supporters to take back the streets from those who have been rebelling against his rule. He said they should go out tonight and "chase them".

• He railed against the rebels, threatening them with the death penalty and calling them "rats" and drug addicts. He hinted that he had not yet used the type of violence he could do, pointing to China's massacre in Tiananmen Square and the FBI's infamous siege in Waco. At times he would change tack and say he did not blame the young people for rebelling, saying they had been unduly influenced by their counterparts in Tunisia and Egypt.

• He announced vague reforms to local government, reforms in which his son Saif will have some kind of role. Saif will also address ambassadors and the media.
Libya erupts as Gaddafi clings on - live updates | World news | guardian.co.uk

i don't know, but it seems to me that kadhafi is unhinged. he has at least some control over the military (aspects of it remain loyal) and the mercenaries he's brought in.

and he claims that he hasn't really started to use the kind of violence that he could use.

um....

i don't see anything good coming of this.

an analysis of libya under kadhafi:

Libya's falling tyrant - Opinion - Al Jazeera English

aceventura3 02-22-2011 12:00 PM

Quote:

Originally Posted by Baraka_Guru (Post 2875409)
I don't see it, ace.

Of course not. I think it is because of a lack of effort.

Quote:

Thinking in absolutes doesn't conjure images of impressionism. What is impressionistic about your thinking, however, is that although your big-picture ideas are clear (albeit disagreeable), upon closer examination, they tend to become a confused muddle.
This comment further illustrates my point.

Quote:

Thinking in absolutes tends to remove context and ignore unavoidable factors and influences.
Yes, we know you only color inside the lines. I don't, never did, never will.

Quote:

I've asked you to elucidate, and you've instead bewildered.
The primary motivating factor in "revolution" in Egypt is all about basic human needs. That is it, that is the answer. Why do you and others insist it is more than that? No doubt we can understand what those basic needs are and why those basic needs are not being fulfilled, but once we know it is all about basic needs all that flows from that is simple. To pretend that obscure il defined and vague concepts are behind the "revolution" is wasteful and will lead to problems going unsolved. So, if you think democracy is the answer time will prove that you were wrong but you will never go back and see it because linear thought processes won't allow it.

Quote:

It would seem we've come across another non-starter. Enjoy your theories.
I do thoroughly. Thanks.

---------- Post added at 08:00 PM ---------- Previous post was at 07:53 PM ----------

Quote:

Originally Posted by roachboy (Post 2875418)
meanwhile, out in the world:

What has it been a day or two without me asking you a question that you can't honestly answer without you appearing to contradict yourself?

Do you unconditionally support equal rights for women in the ME? Or, do you stand in support of equal rights for some, but not all in the ME? How the does the "revolutionary" view of what is happening in the ME really differ from what is currently in place assuming all this in not about basic human needs?

roachboy 02-22-2011 12:03 PM

ace: i cannot imagine anyone caring about your dilletante forays into pseudo-explanations for egypt and tunisia and libya and bahrain and morocco and algeria and yemen.

that you can repeat the same fatuous "thinking" means only that you can repeat the same fatuous "thinking"---what you're arguing is self-evidently wrong. particularly this goofball theory that you've pulled out of your ass that somehow or another these revolts are for some imaginary "free-market capitalism."


all evidence in the actually existing world that other people know about point in almost the opposite direction---this is about the collapsing american empire and the "free market" ideology that it has used since reagan in an attempt to legitimate american domination.


here's an article you are unlikely to read.


Quote:

Arab uprisings mark a turning point for the taking

It's not only in the Middle East that the balance of power is moving. The old neoliberal order has also been shaken

Peter Hallward


In the late 1940s, Simone de Beauvoir was already bemoaning our tendency to "think that we are not the master of our destiny; we no longer hope to help make history, we are resigned to submitting to it". By the late 70s such regret, repackaged as celebration, had become the stuff of a growing consensus. By the late 80s, we were told that history itself had come to an end. The sort of history that ordinary people might make was to fade away within a "new world order", a world in which a narrow set of elites would control all the main levers of power.

Sure enough, for much of the last 30 years, these elites have waged a relentless assault on the people they exploit. Trade unions have been decimated, real wages cut, public services privatised, public resources plundered. For many of these years during which "there was no alternative", resistance in most places was either marginal or symbolic. In one guise or another, resigned submission remained the prevailing order of the day.

Not any more. In different ways in different places (including most dramatically some places that until very recently were often taken for granted as among the most "docile" and "stable" countries around), people all over the world are rediscovering a principle at work in every revolutionary sequence: if we are willing to act in sufficient numbers and with sufficient determination, we already have all the power we need to devise and impose our own alternative. If we are determined to pursue it, we now have an opportunity to help change the world.

This isn't to say that either the neoliberal order or the imperial power that protects it are in any imminent danger of collapse. An opportunity is nothing more, or less, than an opportunity. The governments led by people like David Cameron and Barack Obama continue to press an agenda of "reform" that amounts to little less than a form of class warfare. In the UK, current government plans for education and public services are far more aggressive than anything Margaret Thatcher could have proposed. Nevertheless, in the last few years, and most obviously in the last few months, the general balance of power has begun to shift in three far-reaching ways, which together may well transform not just the Middle East but also the world as a whole.

First of all, of course, after demonstrating more clearly than ever before what the unrestricted pursuit of profit involves, in 2008 neoliberal credit mechanisms imploded in spectacular style, and the credibility of the capitalist world system itself took an unprecedented hit. The costs associated with what many have declared the "financial coup d'état" have now exposed the current rule of political accounting for all to see: privatise the profits, socialise the losses. This is the kind of rule that tends to suffer from publicity.

We have always been told that we cannot afford to pursue utopian projects that might reduce social inequalities, or prevent the millions of avoidable deaths that take place each year as a result of disease or starvation. Our governments and central banks, however, have now spent many trillions of dollars – thousands of times more money than what is required to end global hunger – to bail out some of the most blatantly corrupt institutions the world has ever seen. This public money was spent, just as blatantly, to avoid change rather than implement it. The underlying contradictions in the economy haven't been addressed, and the banking sector has been left to carry on more or less as before. As the consequences of this monumental failure start to hit more and more people over the coming months, class-polarising austerity may well become a difficult political position to defend, especially since measures once justified in terms of economic necessity are now so visibly a matter of deliberate choice and priority.

At the same time, the imperial power that only a few years ago insisted on "full-spectrum dominance" has encountered significant limits to its deployment, both at home and abroad. Washington hawks may still dream of attacking Iran, but it's perhaps more difficult now to imagine a new US war of aggression than at any time since 1945. Rarely has so dominant, so large and so expensive an army looked so powerless. Rarely, too, has so much diplomatic power looked so hollow, fractured and hypocritical. As it has done so often in previous decades, the US is still free to use its UN veto to thwart justice in the Middle East, but it now finds itself obliged to veto its own policy along with it, at a cost that has already endangered its most essential goal in the region: an end to the Palestine liberation movement.

The US and its allies have been discovering that it's a lot harder, these days, to lie about what this and other deceitful political processes involve – a difficulty that may soon also have consequences for the ongoing missions to stabilise Haiti, pacify Iraq, conquer Afghanistan, demonise Venezuela's Hugo Chávez, and so on. This is the second factor at issue here, dramatised most obviously in al-Jazeera's publication of the Palestine papers last month, following the WikiLeaks revelations last year. A combination of new technologies, new social media and new sources of information (not least al-Jazeera itself), enabling new forms of association and deliberation, are starting to make it more difficult for political elites to rely on a compliant press to set and limit the political agenda.

These new means of accessing and sharing information are also starting to have a transformative impact on the third and most important development: the extraordinary resurgence of popular mobilisation and solidarity – a renewal that began with the Bolivarian revolution in Venezuela and indigenous movements in Bolivia and Ecuador (and at work more recently, among other places, in Puerto Rico and Guadeloupe, in Iran, in China, across Europe), but that has now crossed a new threshold in Tunisia, Egypt, Bahrain and Libya. As one Egyptian protester put it, very concisely: "I used to watch television, now television watches me." On the other side of the world, the tens of thousands of protesters who are mobilising to protect their unions in Wisconsin are among the many millions who have been watching and learning, and who see some similarities between their state governor and Egypt's deposed president. In the UK, students and workers gearing up for another round of direct confrontation with Cameron's government have been watching, too.

Diplomats and pundits rush to assure us that what we're really seeing in north Africa is just an oriental variation on the east European uprisings of 1989, or the subsequent "colour revolutions" – uprisings that served mainly to consolidate rather than challenge the global status quo. Of course, no one can say how the north African mobilisations will develop, or how far they will spread. Like earlier revolutions in France, Haiti and Russia, these are mobilisations whose spatial and temporal (let alone ethnic or religious) dimensions are quite emphatically not fixed in advance. But we do know that they have already changed the course of history, and that they will continue to change it. In each new confrontation, they have demonstrated anew the truth of an old conviction that will always be more powerful than any amount of violent repression or scornful dismissal: the people, united, will never be defeated.

Whatever happens next, the people of north Africa and the Middle East have already won victories that will never be erased. The clashes in Tunis on 11-12 January, the capitulation of riot police in Cairo and Alexandria on 28 January, the retaking of Manama's Pearl Square on 19 February, the liberation of Benghazi on 20 February – in the annals of revolutionary history, events of the 2011 Arab spring may one day invite comparison more readily with the summer of 1789 or the autumn of 1917 than with the winter of 1989.

In each case, what's been at stake first and foremost is less a specific demand for objective change than a subjective process of self-empowerment. Every revolutionary sequence applies in practice a principle that every counter-revolutionary theory seeks to deny or disguise: there is indeed no deeper source of legitimacy than the active will of the people. A revolutionary sequence is one in which those people who set out to transform their situation find a way to clarify and mobilise the will of its people as a whole. Where it exists, the will of the people is sustained through the practice of those who compose and impose it in the collective interest – and who thereby invariably risk, at the hands of those few who oppose this interest, misrepresentation as criminals or outsiders.

As the philosopher Alain Badiou points out in a recent editorial, "once they cross a certain threshold of determination, persistence and courage, the people can indeed concentrate their existence in a public square or avenue, in a few factories, or in a university. In the wake of a transformative event, the people are composed of those who are able to resolve the problems posed by this event" – for instance, the problems involved in defending a square, or sustaining a strike, or confronting an army. Buoyed by the assertion of their hard-won power, the people of north Africa and the Middle East are currently inventing means of solving such problems at a rate that already defies any sort of historical comparison at all. Their priority now is clearly to consolidate and organise this power in the face of the many new and more daunting problems they will soon have to confront.

Needless to say, the struggle to come will again play out in different ways in different places. The consequences of even the most resounding victory are always uncertain, and it may take a long time for those of us who live in the more sheltered parts of the world to learn our own lessons from north Africa's example. The old neoliberal assault remains set to continue. Now everyone knows, however, that it will only prevail if we allow it to.
Arab uprisings mark a turning point for the taking | Peter Hallward | Comment is free | guardian.co.uk

Baraka_Guru 02-22-2011 12:16 PM

ace, you missed my point. You think of your way of thinking as the opposite the way it is, and you think of my way as the opposite the way it is.

I'm now thoroughly convinced that you have no interest in pursuing any line of thinking outside of your own pristine theories. You seem to refuse to look at situations within the context of reality, which includes a level of multiplicity that you avoid to even acknowledge.

I normally welcome attempts at having a discussion with you. However, this time you've outdone yourself by mischaracterizing both you and me.

For example, you don't even understand the level at which I agree with you, nor the level at which I disagree with you, in your theories. And yet you continue to make assumptions and continue to muddy the waters.

I don't even know your position on the topic, really. I heard something about Maslow and free-market capitalism. Beyond that, I don't know what you mean to say beyond "people don't like to starve and generally like capitalism." You haven't really applied any of that theoretical stock to anything real. And now you've gone ahead and assumed I don't know what you're talking about—that I can't understand conceptually or logically—which is false. I know exactly what you're talking about. Half of it is bullshit, the other half irrelevant.

aceventura3 02-22-2011 12:29 PM

Quote:

Originally Posted by roachboy (Post 2875489)
ace: i cannot imagine anyone caring about your dilletante forays into pseudo-explanations for egypt and tunisia and libya and bahrain and morocco and algeria and yemen.

For the record, I do unconditionally support equal rights for women in the ME. A "revolution" that fall short of that is incomplete in my imagination.

---------- Post added at 08:29 PM ---------- Previous post was at 08:16 PM ----------

Quote:

Originally Posted by Baraka_Guru (Post 2875493)
ace, you missed my point. You think of your way of thinking as the opposite the way it is, and you think of my way as the opposite the way it is.

No I did not miss your point. My response is that it depends on perspective. Perhaps, you are getting lost in the French Impressionism thing because the art appears to be fluid or that it flows. Perhaps, a mosaic would be more helpful because it appears more digital.

http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedi...7/Mosaic01.jpg

Quote:

For example, you don't even understand the level at which I agree with you, nor the level at which I disagree with you, on this matter. And yet you continue to make assumptions and continue to muddy the waters.
You actually agree with me on something, what? Come on, my assumptions that you find fault in everything I present here has been wrong? If true, I will openly and publically state that I have been a fool in my exchanges with you - just give me something specific.

Quote:

I don't even know your position on the topic, really.
Basic human needs, like food and being able to provide for family, are the driving motivations of the mass protests in the ME. Other suggestions of the driving motivators are pseudo-intellectual b.s.

roachboy 02-22-2011 02:03 PM

from bbc


Quote:

2009: More reports of dissent from within the Libyan regime as its interior minister calls on the army to join the people and respond to their "legitimate demands", according to Al-Jazeera.
Quote:

2020: Al-Jazeera says Abdel Fattah Younes al Abidi has announced his defection and support for the "revolution".
al abidi was kadhafi's security minister.


kadhafi's regime is crumbling before our eyes, but the process is not over by any means.
and while accurate information is a problem---things appear to be devolving for kadhafi at speed.

the question is whether he is nuts enough to use the materials he still has at his disposal to scortch some earth on his way out---or if he is looking for an escape hatch, as some reports have suggested.

it's very confusing and potentially quite chaotic.


al jaz live blog on libya:
Live Blog - Libya Feb 22 | Al Jazeera Blogs

bbc:
BBC News - Middle East and North Africa unrest[COLOR="DarkSlateGray"]

---------- Post added at 10:03 PM ---------- Previous post was at 08:36 PM ----------
==================================

added: now that libya is maybe crumbling, the first of the major oil-producing authoritarian systems may come down and with that an image will pop to the surface of the financial belly of the beast.

closer and closer.

Quote:

Gaddafis' hidden billions: Dubai banks, plush London pads and Italian water

Libya's oil wealth has been siphoned out of the country by a powerful elite – including Gaddafi and his nine children



The Gaddafi family could have billions of dollars of funds hidden away in secret bank accounts in Dubai, south-east Asia and the Persian Gulf, much of it likely to have come from Libya's vast oil revenues, according to analysis by leading Middle East experts.

Professor Tim Niblock, a specialist in Middle Eastern politics at the University of Exeter, has identified a "gap" of several billion dollars a year between the amount Libya makes from its oil reserves and government spending – a shortfall he expects has contributed greatly to the wealth of Muammar Gaddafi and his nine children.

"It is very, very difficult to work out with any degree of certainty just how much they have because the ruling elite hides it in all sorts of places," said Niblock, who is also vice president of the British Society for Middle Eastern Studies (BRISMES). "But at the very least it would be several billion dollars, in whatever form and it could potentially be a lot higher although I wouldn't want to predict just how much it might be."

Alistair Newton, senior political analyst at Nomura, the Japanese bank and president of BRISMES, agreed that it was difficult to establish the extent of the Gaddafis' wealth but said he "would be surprised if it didn't run into billions".

Where the Gaddafis have hidden their vast funds is anybody's guess, although Niblock expects that most of it is "in bank accounts and liquid assets in Dubai, the Gulf and south east Asia" rather than in relatively transparent countries such as the UK, where the Libyan state has invested in London properties and in companies such as Pearson Group, owner of the Financial Times.

In addition to squirrelling away much of their income, the Gaddafis have spent fortunes over the years "propping up" various African regimes, with Zimbabwe's president, Robert Mugabe, widely acknowledged to be among the biggest recipients, Niblock said.

In the 1990s Gaddafi is thought to have given money to the Zaghawan tribe in Darfur, "and I suspect some of them are among the African mercenaries fighting the civilians in Libya," Niblock added.

Libya's breakneck growth has enabled the country to build up myriad investments overseas. In addition to the Gaddafis' private holdings, the state is thought to have invested close to £61.8bn in assets across the globe.

Their investments in the UK include an eight-bedroom home in Hampstead, north London, with a swimming pool and suede-lined cinema room. Saif al-Islam Gaddafi, the Libyan leader's second son, bought it in 2009 for £10m.

Most of the state's investments are made by the Libyan Investment Authority (LIA), a so-called sovereign wealth fund set up in 2006 to spend the country's oil money, which has an estimated $70bn of assets. LIA bought 3% of Pearson last year for £224m, making it one of the group's biggest shareholders, and had a 0.02% stake in RBS, although this has been sold in the past few months.

The fund's UK property investments include Portman House, a 146,550 sq ft retail complex in Oxford Street, London, which houses retailers such as Boots and New Look, and an office at 14 Cornhill, opposite the Bank of England in the City.

Aside from the Hampstead home, which is not primarily an investment, the only two direct investment projects that the Gaddafi family are known to be involved with both involve water.

In 2009, when Silvio Berlusconi hosted the summit of G8 leading economies, he invited the Libyan leader as a special guest. Speeding towards the earthquake-stricken city of L'Aquila, which Berlusconi had chosen as the venue, Gaddafi's motor cavalcade stopped in a remote town by a river at the bottom of a deep gorge.

Not many people find their way to Antrodoco, let alone a "Brotherly Leader and Guide of the Revolution". Such was the welcome he received that shortly afterwards a Libyan delegation returned to the town to announce that the colonel wanted to plough money into it.

Agreement was reached on a complex involving a luxury spa hotel and water bottling plant. Last September, Antrodocoís mayor, Maurizio Faina, said the €15m (£12.7m) scheme was "firming up".

Whether it survives the current turmoil in Libya, however, remains to be seen. A similar question mark hangs over the established, if struggling, spa town of Fiuggi, south of Rome where pope Boniface VIII, among others, took the waters. In January, the Corriere della Sera reported that Gaddafi's family had formalised a proposal to sink €250m (£211m) into a conference centre with an airstrip and a complex that, once again, involved a spa and a water bottling plant.

The paper said the deal was being brokered, not through Libyan channels, but by the Italo-Iraqi chamber of commerce. Fiuggi's mayor, along with his counterpart from Antrodoco, was a guest at a party thrown by Silvio Berlusconi in honour of the Libyan leader when he visited Rome last September.

Gaddafi and Berlusconi have a famously warm personal relationship. Less well-known, however, is the fact that Berlusconi is in business with one of the Libyan state's investment vehicles.

In June 2009, a Dutch-registered firm controlled by the Libyan Arab Foreign Investment Company, took a 10% stake in Quinta Communications, a Paris-based film production and distribution company. Quinta Communications was founded back in 1990 by Berlusconi in partnership with Tarak Ben Ammar, the nephew of the late Tunisian leader, Habib Bourguiba.

The Italian prime minister has a 22% interest in the company through a Luxembourg-registered subsidiary of Fininvest, the firm at the heart of his sprawling business empire. Last September, the Libyans put a director on the board of Quinta Communications to sit alongside Berlusconiís representatives.

Libyan investors already hold significant interests in several strategic Italian enterprises. They reportedly own around one per cent of Italy's biggest oil company, Eni; the LIA has an acknowledged 2% interest in the aerospace and defence group, Finmeccanica; Lafico is thought to retain more than 2% of Fiat and almost 15% of a quoted telecommunications company, Retelit.

The Libyans also own 22% of the capital of a textile firm, Olcese. Perhaps their best-known investment is a 7.5% stake in the Serie A side Juventus. But undoubtedly the most controversial is another 7.5 per cent interest in Italyís largest bank, Unicredit.

Last September, the bank's chief executive, Alessandro Profumo, walked out after a row over his willingness to let the Libyans build up that stake. The Northern League, Berlusconi's key allies in Italy's rightwing government, was known to be particularly queasy about the emergence of such a powerful Libyan presence.

Experts say if Gaddafi is overthrown, the investments made by Libya's various state funds would probably be unaffected, since any new government would have far more pressing matters to attend to, and any sudden movements could damage their reputation for the future.

However, it is thought likely that a new regime in Libya could look to freeze the assets of the Gaddafi family, as the new government in Egypt did with the assets of Hosni Mubarak and his family. Since most of these are held in liquid form – and in country's outside Europe and the US – this would have no significant ramifications for business, they argue.
UK interests

About 150 British companies have established a presence in Libya since the US and Europe lifted economic sanctions in 2004, after the country renounced terrorism, ceased its nuclear weapons programme and handed over two suspects in the Lockerbie bombing case.

The most high profile have been the oil companies, keen to tap Libya's vast reserves of fossil fuels. In a deal brokered in 2007 by Tony Blair, BP signed a £560m exploration agreement allowing it to search for oil and gas, offshore and onshore, in a joint venture with the Libya Investment Corporation. Shell is also exploring for oil in Libya as western companies seek to capitalise on a country with the largest oil reserves in Africa and substantial supplies of gas.

High street retailers such as Marks & Spencer, Next, Monsoon and Accessorize have also set up in the country to serve the growing middle-class population, as oil revenues have "trickled down" into the broader Libyan population.

Companies such as AMEC, an engineering firm, and Biwater, a waste treatment company, have supplied services to Libya, which is using its oil revenues to reshape the country through an infrastructure spending spree that will cost about £310bn over the next decade.

British exports to Libya have soared to about £930m in recent years, while the business momentum in post-sanctions Libya is so great that the economy managed to grow by about 5% last year, while much of the rest of the world struggled.

Many British and foreign companies – including M&S, BP and Shell – are evacuating
staff from Libya and it could be some time before they return. Tom Bawden
Gaddafis' hidden billions: Dubai banks, plush London pads and Italian water | World news | The Guardian

aceventura3 02-22-2011 02:11 PM

Hey Roach,

Unconditional rights for women in the ME is complicated, right?
I don't understand the real issues, right? It's just Ace and his "black and white" imaginary world right?
Or as DC would say i don't understand that women may have to compromise for the good of the formation of a new government.
Or as Baraka might suggest, unconditional rights for women in the ME is just a concept.

Oh, sorry for yet another tangent from what is really important, let's get back to the real world after all no one really wants that in the ME.

Baraka_Guru 02-22-2011 03:47 PM

So I guess it's safe to say, at least, that the shit is currently hitting the fan in Libya.

A couple of tidbits from the interior minister, Abdel Fattah Younes, who has resigned:
"The Libyan people have suffered too long. We have so much oil, the people could have lived as in a 5 star hotel."

"Gaddafi's speech was very clear to any one who has a brain. He is nervous, he is stubborn. He may commit suicide."
Also, in other developments, the Canadian government has finally condemned Gadhafi, and has begun the planning and process of extracting Canadians from the country:
Ottawa condemns Gadhafi, plans evacuation - The Globe and Mail

Also, have a look at an interesting infographic regarding Libya and Gadhafi's influence in Africa, and the implications of it vapourizing:
Gadhafi's influence on Africa - The Globe and Mail

Seaver 02-22-2011 05:08 PM

Sorry Ace, I enjoy political discussions a great deal... but I honestly feel I'm done with your conversations here. I don't feel you're adding to the discussion as it's not pertinent to realities on the ground.

I find Libya very interesting. Reports of the Air Force bombing protesters I was initially skeptical of, resulted in Air Force Pilots defecting as they refused orders to bomb their own civilians and feared execution from their own officers. I've also read about tanks firing on protesters and even some tanks defecting to the other side.

samcol 02-22-2011 08:54 PM

Quote:

Originally Posted by Seaver (Post 2875604)
I find Libya very interesting. Reports of the Air Force bombing protesters I was initially skeptical of, resulted in Air Force Pilots defecting as they refused orders to bomb their own civilians and feared execution from their own officers. I've also read about tanks firing on protesters and even some tanks defecting to the other side.

I can't imagine being on one of these planes or ships that are defecting. How do you coordinate landing in another country? Totally justified when ordered to fire on your own people, but what a terrible position to be in.

dlish 02-22-2011 09:03 PM

malta adds two planes to their air fleet. sweet!

i cant imagine what malta was thinking when these guys first showed up on the radar heading towards it from libya.

Willravel 02-22-2011 09:42 PM

Armed Forces of Malta: "AFM to unidentified crafts, identify yourselves and your intentions."
Defectors: "Defecting from Libya."
Armed Forces of Malta: "I... wait, what? Frank? Frank, is that you? This isn't funny, Frank."
Defectors: "No joke, we're defecting."
Armed Forces of Malta: "John? Come on, John, I have an important job!"
Defectors: "DUDE, WE'RE SERIOUSLY DEFECTING!!"
Armed Forces of Malta: "DUDE, CAPS IS ON"
Defectors: "Oh, sorry. But yeah, totally defecting."

aceventura3 02-23-2011 07:38 AM

Quote:

Originally Posted by Seaver (Post 2875604)
Sorry Ace, I enjoy political discussions a great deal... but I honestly feel I'm done with your conversations here. I don't feel you're adding to the discussion as it's not pertinent to realities on the ground.

When people don't understand the root causes of problems the problems don't get fixed.

It won't matter what form of government Egypt adopts if it is without adopting capitalism or at least taking major steps in that direction.

It won't matter who is in charge without adopting capitalism.

The details in a new constitution won't matter unless it includes capitalistic principles.

You can be done with me, but understand that 5/10/15/30 years from now Egypt will have the same problems without capitalism. Yes, it is that simple.

Quote:

Cairo’s six-story Arcadia Mall, a symbol of modern commerce on the Nile River, is a charred ruin. Military officers now rule in place of Western-educated businessmen. Spending by a government that is already in debt is heading up, not down.

This is Egypt after the Feb. 11 fall of Hosni Mubarak, and if its future is uncertain, it has nonetheless drawn investor cheers as officials promise to pursue market-oriented policies. The Market Vectors Egypt Index ETF, an exchange-traded fund that holds Egyptian shares, has risen 11.5 percent since Jan. 27, when the Egyptian Exchange was shut down as protests intensified.

Yet a history of on-again, off-again economic reform and the rise of forces, including the military, that have resisted liberalization suggest that the path to a competitive economy integrated with the world will be a difficult one, according to experts on the region.

“In the near term, the impulse is to beat up on the capitalists not reward them,” said Jon Alterman, a former member of the State Department’s policy planning staff, now at the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington. “I don’t see a champion of economic reform arising out of this process. The go-go privatization period will be blamed for the breakdown of order.”

Incomplete Change

Post-Mubarak Egypt inherits a legacy of incomplete attempts at change, including privatization of state assets and a redo of the tax system. The political costs of needed steps such as shedding state workers or levying new taxes likely will challenge the country’s next leader. Likewise, little action is expected to correct inefficiencies, including the fuel subsidies that devour more than 5 percent of gross domestic product.

“This is not the time to scale back on subsidies,” said Samer Soliman, assistant professor of political economy at the American University in Cairo. “If anything, they may increase.”

For two decades, officials from the U.S. and Washington- based International Monetary Fund and World Bank encouraged Egypt to overhaul its statist economy, betting that prosperity would foster stability.

Instead, Egypt imbibed just enough globalization to enrich an elite, though not enough to become broadly prosperous. About 18 percent of the population -- including 40 percent of rural dwellers -- lives below the poverty line and one-third of Egyptians are illiterate, says the World Bank.
‘Trickle-Down Economics’

Simon Johnson, former chief economist of the IMF, calls the Egyptian approach “trickle-down economics without the trickle.”

Despite its position astride trade routes in Africa, Europe and the Middle East, Egypt has failed to secure a role in global supply chains. Nike Inc., for example, buys shoes and clothing from 42 Vietnamese manufacturers, which employ more than 198,000 workers, according to the company’s website. Egypt, with a similar population, is handicapped by numerous taxes, uncertain contract enforcement and insufficient supplies of skilled labor. Just five Egyptian companies, employing 5,129 people, supply finished products to Beaverton, Oregon-based Nike, the largest maker of athletic shoes.

“The opening was half-hearted, reluctant,” said Arvind Subramanian, a senior fellow at the Peterson Institute for International Economics in Washington, who was the IMF’s resident representative in Cairo from 1995 to 1997. “The Egyptians understood that while the U.S. wanted reforms, they could get away without reforming.”

News From Tunisia

Seven years after beginning the most recent push for change, Egypt remains a nation with one foot planted in the global economy and one stuck in a state-dominated past. Even as globalized information flows via social-networking sites such as Facebook and Twitter brought Cairo residents news of protests in Tunisia in January, their country lagged behind in global commerce.

Between 1990 and 2009, Egypt’s per capita exports of goods and services rose at an average annual rate of less than 5 percent -- about half India’s annual average and one-third that of China, according to the IMF.

By 2020, the Middle Eastern nation, with unemployment above 8 percent for more than a decade, must create 9.4 million jobs to absorb the out-of-work and anticipated new entrants into the labor force. To do that, the IMF says, the economy will need to grow at an annual rate of almost 10 percent, about twice the average since 2000.
Cabinet Ousters

The ambivalence about transforming the economy was evident during Mubarak’s final days as president, when he attempted to appease protesters by increasing government workers’ salaries and deferring cuts in fuel and food subsidies. He also jettisoned Cabinet and ruling party officials regarded as pro- business, such as the housing minister, Ahmed El-Maghraby, the former chairman of Accor Hotels Egypt.

El Maghrabi and other prominent members of the Egyptian business elite, such as Ahmed Ezz, chairman of Ezz Steel, the country’s largest steel producer, were barred from traveling and had their bank accounts frozen by the public prosecutor’s office, which said it was investigating claims of “public funds embezzlement” against the former officials. Ezz dismissed any suggestion of wrongdoing as “groundless allegations” in a Feb. 14 statement.

‘More Populist Take’

“Going forward, there’s going to be a much more populist take on where the economy should go,” said Michele Dunne, an analyst at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace in Washington, who served in the U.S. Embassy in Cairo and on the National Security Council between 2000 and 2003. “They’ll have to be much more sensitive to public opinion.”

The military officers now in control are no fans of selling off state assets. Retired generals operate military-owned companies in several industries, including cement, construction, hotels and olive oil. And the Egyptian military regards privatization as a “threat to its economic position,” according to a classified cable from U.S. Ambassador Margaret Scobey dated Sept. 23, 2008 that was disclosed by the anti- secrecy group Wikileaks.

Egypt’s caretaker civilian ministers insist they will shrink the state’s role in the economy.

‘No Relapse’

“There is no rolling back of reform,” Finance Minister Samir Radwan, a London-educated economist, told Bloomberg News Feb. 14. “There is no relapse into state intervention.”

Radwan, named to his post Jan. 31, said Egypt now has “a fantastic opportunity to have a new phase of reform, to deepen the reforms that have taken place.”

Egypt’s efforts at economic modernization began in the early 1990s, shortly after the fall of the Berlin Wall inaugurated an era of global economic integration. Encouraged by the World Bank and IMF, Egypt began creeping from its traditional state-centric economy -- where the public sector claimed 70 percent of GDP -- toward greater market openness.

“Egypt was a centrally administered economy with an implicit promise that the central government could control everything, organize everything, distribute everything and essentially eliminate uncertainty from the lives of all,” said Youssef Boutros-Ghali, then-minister of finance, in a 2006 speech.

Early transformations cooled inflation topping 21 percent and reined in a public deficit of more than 15 percent of GDP. While the U.S. and the international financial institutions supported economic change, the top U.S. priority was always the Arab-Israeli peace process.
IMF Demands

In 1987, C. David Finch, the head of the IMF’s department of exchange and trade relations, resigned after the U.S. objected to IMF demands for economic policy changes that Egyptian officials feared would spark a popular backlash, according to a 1993 book by Anne Krueger, the former first deputy managing director of the IMF.

In a 1996 speech, Robert Pelletreau, then-assistant secretary of state for Near Eastern affairs, put economic transformation last in a list of U.S. objectives in the Middle East, behind Israel’s security, stability in the Persian Gulf, counter-terrorism, assistance to U.S. business and political change.

Egyptian hopes for a comprehensive bilateral trade accord with the U.S. were dashed in 2006 by the administration of President George W. Bush after the government jailed the dissident Ayman Nour, who ran against Mubarak in 2005 presidential elections.
‘Root of Extremism’

In February 2006, according to another Wikileaks cable, the Egyptian intelligence chief, Omar Suleiman, confided to a visiting U.S. official that “insufficient educational and economic opportunities were at the root of extremism in Egypt.”

The threat to stability was so alarming, Suleiman told the U.S. official, FBI Director Robert Mueller, that the Egyptian government was embarking upon a five-year plan “to shore up and modernize Egypt’s economy.”

Almost precisely five years later, on Jan. 25, 2011, the clock ran out on the Egyptian government’s chances of preserving the status quo. Tens of thousands of anti-government protesters filled the streets of Cairo demanding Mubarak’s ouster.

Suleiman’s 2006 acknowledgement of the need for Egypt to tune its economic engine occurred almost two years after the start of the most recent and most successful reform phase. In 2004, market-oriented Egyptian officials affiliated with the president’s son Gamal enacted policies that more than doubled the economy’s annual growth rate to about 7 percent.
Privatization Push

State-owned enterprises, including the Bank of Alexandria and the Omar Effendi department store, were sold to private investors. Regulations were streamlined and tariffs reduced. Foreign investment from companies such as Houston, Texas-based Apache Corp. and Cincinnati-based Procter & Gamble Co. rose to more than $12 billion annually from less than $1 billion at the turn of the century.

Left undone were tasks such as political transformation, pruning the bureaucracy, and encouraging competition in the domestic economy. Privatization of state enterprises, which began in 1990, inched forward. By 2008, just 20 percent of the public sector had been sold off to private investors. The budget deficit remained around 8 percent of GDP.

“They essentially dealt with the low-hanging fruit, the easy stuff,” said George Abed, director of the IMF’s Middle East department in 2002-03.

Outpaced by Vietnam

Egypt was evolving at a crawl while other nations, especially in East Asia, rode export booms to prosperity. From 2004 to 2009, per capita income rose 20 percent in Egypt. That fell well short of export-oriented dynamos such as Vietnam, which posted a 34 percent income gain over the same period.

“They really need to penetrate global industrial supply networks. They’ve had trouble gaining a foothold,” said Marcus Noland, author of “The Arab Economies in a Changing World.”

Liberalization sometimes carried political and financial costs that undermined prospects for additional changes. The IMF and World Bank prodded Egypt to open its markets to imported grain, a move that undercut local farmers and left Egypt dependent upon volatile global markets for staples, according to Marie Brill, senior policy analyst at ActionAid, a Washington- based nonprofit organization.

In April 2008, rising food prices were blamed for anti- government riots in Mahalla, a textile town in the north. In response, Prime Minister Ahmed Nazif rushed to the town and Mubarak ordered a 30 percent pay raise for public-sector workers. Plans to phase out food and fuel subsidies in favor of payments targeted to the neediest Egyptians were quietly shelved, then-U.S. Ambassador Frank Ricciardone wrote in an April 16, 2008 cable disclosed by Wikileaks.
‘Sour Mood’

“Egyptians are in a sour mood and their frustration seems more vocal than just a few months ago,” Ricciardone wrote.

The Egyptian government was able to repeatedly defer economic improvements thanks to financial flows that continued regardless of the economy’s competitiveness. Over the past two years, the government reaped almost $5 billion annually from Suez Canal transit fees and an additional $1.5 billion in U.S. aid. Remittances from Egyptians working in Saudi oil fields or hotels in Bahrain brought in around $8 billion, while the country’s oil wells contributed about $9 billion. Combined, these passive flows amount to about 12 percent of GDP.

Though Mubarak is gone, those sources of revenue remain. So at least for now, there is little reason to expect reinvigorated reforms.

“I don’t think there will be any significant change in economic policies,” Soliman said. “This is a transitional period.”
Egypt ETF Gains in Post-Mubarak Era Hobbled Without Free Market - Bloomberg

roachboy 02-23-2011 08:43 AM

meanwhile, back out in the world

Quote:

4.25pm: Adam Gabbatt provides an evening summary:

• Benghazi appears to have fallen irretrievably beyond the control of Muammar Gaddafi, reports the Guardian's Martin Chulov, the first foreign journalist to reach the city. Troops who have defected from the Gaddafi regime are barricading a police station in the city to prevent it being seized back by Gaddafi's forces in the city, where doctors said at least 230 people have been killed. One air force officer told the Guardian he personally witnessed up to 4,000 mercenaries arrive on Libyan transport planes, each of them carrying 300 armed men.

• The cities of Zliten and Misrata, close to Tripoli, are reportedly under the control of anti-Gaddafi protesters. If the reports are correct they would be the first cities in the west of the country to fall to the demonstrators, whose support base is mainly in the east. The Guardian's Ian Black said the fall of Misrata suggests the west of Libya is now beginning to be seriously affected.

• The UK foreign secretary, William Hague, has said the UK will provide "as many planes as are necessary" to evacuate British nationals from Libya. He said that in addition to those Britons in Tripoli, Benghazi and other cities, there are some 170 Britons working in remote, isolated camps in the desert in Libya who are in a "perilous and frightening situation". One charter flight is en route to Tripoli to collect British nationals, while another will arrive later today. A third flight may be scheduled for Thursday morning.

• Mercenaries and militias are reported to be roaming Tripoli, with much of the capital deserted. Overnight a "heavy force of supporters and militiamen" were on the streets, brought out by Gaddafi's speech, Associated Press reported. Tripoli airport is "very, very chaotic", an English teacher who flew out last night told the Guardian. "There was a real crush – it was a very frightening experience," Peter Thomas said. "Our tickets had been bought in Turkey so we didn't have them with us. We just had to persuade the guards at various checkpoints that we should be allowed through."
Libya on the brink as Gaddafi promises showdown - live updates | World news | guardian.co.uk

and the international community does nothing.


Quote:

Intervening in the Libyan tragedy

The unfolding situation in Libya has been horrible to behold. No matter how many times we warn that dictators will do what they must to stay in power, it is still shocking to see the images of brutalized civilians which have been flooding al-Jazeera and circulating on the internet. We should not be fooled by Libya's geographic proximity to Egypt and Tunisia, or guided by the debates over how the United States could best help a peaceful protest movement achieve democratic change. The appropriate comparison is Bosnia or Kosovo, or even Rwanda where a massacre is unfolding on live television and the world is challenged to act. It is time for the United States, NATO, the United Nations and the Arab League to act forcefully to try to prevent the already bloody situation from degenerating into something much worse.

By acting, I mean a response sufficiently forceful and direct to deter or prevent the Libyan regime from using its military resources to butcher its opponents. I have already seen reports that NATO has sternly warned Libya against further violence against its people. Making that credible could mean the declaration and enforcement of a no-fly zone over Libya, presumably by NATO, to prevent the use of military aircraft against the protestors. It could also mean a clear declaration that members of the regime and military will be held individually responsible for any future deaths. The U.S. should call for an urgent, immediate Security Council meeting and push for a strong resolution condeming Libya's use of violence and authorizing targeted sanctions against the regime. Such steps could stand a chance of reversing the course of a rapidly deteriorating situation. An effective international response could not only save many Libyan lives, it might also send a powerful warning to other Arab leaders who might contemplate following suit against their own protest movements.

I don't have any illusions that the outside world can control what happens in Libya, if the regime really wants to try to hold power by force. I don't call for a direct military intervention. And I am keenly, painfully aware of all that could go wrong with even the kinds of responses I am recommending. But right now those fears are outweighed by the urgent imperative of trying to prevent the already bloody situation from getting much, much worse. This is not a peaceful democracy protest movement which the United States can best help by pressuring allied regimes from above, pushing for long-term and meaningful reform, and persuading the military to refrain from violence. It's gone well beyond that already, and this time I find myself on the side of those demanding more forceful action before it's too late. The steady stream of highly public defections from the regime suggest that rapid change is possible, yesterday's speech by Saif al-Islam Qaddafi and today's events suggest that so is terrible violence.

There is no avoiding what is happening in Libya. Al-Jazeera Arabic has been covering the Libyan situation heavily for the last couple of days and has powerfully conveyed the gravity of the situation, including broadcasting some truly disturbing images and video of protestors. I've been stunned by what Libyans inside the country and outside have been willing to say on the air about the regime --- prominent Libyan diplomats declaring Qaddafi to by a tyrant, major tribal leaders calling for his overthrow, Yusuf al-Qaradawi calling on the air for someone to shoot Qaddafi, and more. The Arab world's attention is focused on Libya now, after several days of a fragmented news agenda divided among Libya, Yemen, Bahrain, Egypt and more. Voice after voice, Libyans and other Arabs alike, denounce the silence of the international community and call for action. Qaddafi has few friends, and Qatar has called for an urgent Arab League meeting to deal with the crisis. While history doesn't suggest we can expect all that much from that club, their public support for international action could go a long way towards overcoming any suggestion that this is an imperialist venture.

That's all for now.
Intervening in the Libyan tragedy | Marc Lynch

aceventura3 02-23-2011 09:53 AM

Quote:

Originally Posted by roachboy (Post 2875795)
and the international community does nothing.

What do you want the international community to do? Should the international community use military force to control the situation?

roachboy 02-23-2011 10:11 AM

there are reports that kadhafi is already using the military to attack opposition actions.

well, the interior security forces as he has apparently been afraid of a military coup since he came to power via a military coup in 1969 so has worked to keep the military weak...libya is controlled by the interior security forces that overlap with effectively private militias----you know, the kind of feudal arrangement that would result in a lot of place as the logical outcome of taking conservative paranoia about the state seriously

there are reports of military jets being used.
there are reports that there are naval vessels in position off tripoli that may be used to bombard the city.

so no, there's no reason to worry too much about what might happen.

the international community has a great track record of not knowing what to do when massacres present themselves:

Rwanda: Why the international community looked away | World | Deutsche Welle | 07.04.2009

much better to sit around and watch people get massacred and complain about how o so terrible it all is.

aceventura3 02-23-2011 11:07 AM

Quote:

Originally Posted by roachboy (Post 2875827)
there are reports that kadhafi is already using the military to attack opposition actions.

well, the interior security forces as he has apparently been afraid of a military coup since he came to power via a military coup in 1969 so has worked to keep the military weak...libya is controlled by the interior security forces that overlap with effectively private militias----you know, the kind of feudal arrangement that would result in a lot of place as the logical outcome of taking conservative paranoia about the state seriously

there are reports of military jets being used.
there are reports that there are naval vessels in position off tripoli that may be used to bombard the city.

so no, there's no reason to worry too much about what might happen.

the international community has a great track record of not knowing what to do when massacres present themselves:

Rwanda: Why the international community looked away | World | Deutsche Welle | 07.04.2009

much better to sit around and watch people get massacred and complain about how o so terrible it all is.

The implication in your posts is that you want something done, but you don't say what? What is the point of your compliant? Is it just too complicated? Not for me, I know what I would do, but I am a simple minded person who is in an imaginary world.


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