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tenchi069 01-11-2007 07:24 AM

Maybe more of a vent than debate..
 
mods, please move to the appropriate forum if this isn't it.

Lately I've been involved in more than one conversation involving the latest politics about the United States, George W. Bush, and our troops in Iraq. Too much I've seen and heard people verbally bash these three things. I am not of the type "Love it or get out," as I respect everyone's right to their own opinion, and giving my opinion I want to address these three things.

United States- (Fact) The country in which I was born and grew up in. (Personal feeling)I love it, will always love it. I will show my love for my country for flying my flag, speaking the official language of English, paying my taxes, obeying the laws, and protecting it with my life if need be. I make no apologies for any of the above nor will I stop doing any of the above just because it may offend someone.

George W. Bush- (Fact) current U.S President. Elected by majority vote according to the Electoral College.
(Personal Belief) I did not vote for him. I do not agree with all of his decisions. I do believe in the fact that while I do not necessarily sway toward President Bush's choices, he is still our President and I support the Office if not the man.

U.S. Troops on foreign soil- (Fact) there are U.S. Troops stationed in countries other than the United States.
(Personal Belief)The troops have made their choice to join the military at one point or another. They are fulfilling a contract that they by their various reasons, a choice that they made. They are now fulfilling the orders of their commanders, the Chief of which, by the laws of America, happens to be the President.

(My opinion to follow)
If you do not like the state of affairs, then do your job as an American Citizen or Legal Immigrant. Vote when and where you can, make the choices that put the wheels into motion to get the outcome you desire. Making your opinions heard is wonderful. That is our RIGHT of Free Speech. But I ask and implore you that while you are debating with your fellow countryman, do not degrade his values for supporting his country.


I wish peace to all, and mercy until it is.

-tenchi.

Chimera 01-11-2007 07:46 AM

Well stated.....and I fully agree.

Every citizen has the right, if not duty to "Be an American", and there is no one version of this title. Some will express loyalty to country as wholehearted unwavering support for government policy, and some will not.

Yet , both are as American as you and I.

shakran 01-11-2007 07:50 AM

Quote:

Originally Posted by tenchi069
United States- (Personal feeling)I love it, will always love it. I will show my love for my country for flying my flag, speaking the official language of English, paying my taxes, obeying the laws, and protecting it with my life if need be.

English isn't our official language because we don't have one, but anyone offended because you speak english here is an idiot. I also don't see how it would offend someone if you pay your taxes, follow the law, and defend the country. Good on ya ;)

George W. Bush- (Fact) current U.S President. Elected by majority vote according to the Electoral College.[/quote]

This is actually a matter for dispute in both elections. In fact in the first term he was not elected at all, but appointed by the supreme court. His second term may or may not have involved ballot cheating - we can't ever know because the electronic voting machines (that the CEO of the manufacturer promised would "deliver the state of Ohio for President Bush") are too easy to hack and don't have a paper trail.

Quote:

(Personal Belief)The troops have made their choice to join the military at one point or another.
Yes, and if i were in the military I, like most of the soldiers out there, would have joined because I feel defending my country is an important thing to do. I would not have joined so that I could help my country invade other countries that aren't doing anything to us - in fact this, in MY personal opinion, is anathema to everything the US should stand for.

Quote:

They are fulfilling a contract that they by their various reasons, a choice that they made. They are now fulfilling the orders of their commanders, the Chief of which, by the laws of America, happens to be the President.
Quite true - which is why we don't hold animosity toward the soldiers for the situation we're in now - - - that animosity is directed squarely at the idiot in charge. While this war is astonishingly like Vietnam in that we should never have gone there and now that we ARE there we're running it like a bunch of monkeys, the one main difference is that the soldiers are NOT being maligned by the general population.

Rekna 01-11-2007 08:23 AM

I would say one of the most American things you can do is to vocalize your dissent with policy when it occurs. American was not formed on blind patriotism. In fact one of the clauses of our founding documents states as Americans it is our duty to stand up to our government when it isn't fitting our needs. While one way of doing this is voting it is not the only way our founding fathers intended us to do it. This is why they placed free speech, free press, and arguably the right to bear arms into our constitution.

boatin 01-11-2007 10:37 AM

In the run up to this war, and the first few years of it, the bashing that I was the most familiar with was of the "you're an unpatriotic bastard for questioning this war" variety. I direct anyone to see the movie "Shut Up and Sing" for more details of how that went. For, you know, voicing an opinion.

While I agree with the theme of the OP, bashing goes in (and has gone in) two directions.

My personal belief is that being called unpatriotic for questioning things is far worse than anything that I see happening to the other side now.

Willravel 01-11-2007 10:51 AM

I don't love my country any more than I love my car or my house or my hat. I pay for them, I am responsible for them, and I use them. I'm not sure what loving my country would entail, but I'm sure that I don't love it in the same way that I love freedom or love my family. I think that the idea of loving one's country can cloud one's ability to run said country, and the protective nature of that love can be used to control people.

George W. Bush stole 2 elections can should probably be serving a prison sentence. He has ignored people much smarter than he, and has made a fool of every US citizen repeatedly. We have lost athe respect of our allies, and we have lost many lives. Allowing him to serve as president has been one of our country's great follies, and our children will no doubt question our sanity one day for allowing this.

If we had good relations with our allies, we wouldn't need to have troops stationed anywhere but in the US unless we were attacked. Unfortuantely, we are in a dangerous cycle with the miliatary industrial complex controling much of military spending, which puts pressure on politicians to constantly be in a state of conflict or war. Tha constant state of conflict or war means that we need to streth our resources thin to deal with problems that we often start, and that we rarely fix. A proper democracy doesn't need to have military stations across the globe like an empire.

I do what I can to allow my ideas to take root in the minds of others, but nothing will be done to stop them unless people are able to rally behind a cause and see the resolution to the end.

aceventura3 01-11-2007 10:57 AM

Quote:

Originally Posted by boatin
My personal belief is that being called unpatriotic for questioning things is far worse than anything that I see happening to the other side now.

Years ago I asked a lady I was dating if she would like to go conoeing down a river. She said yes. I told her what to expect and that it would be demanding. She said yes again. We rented a conoe, they drove us up river, and dropped us off, so we could conoe down river back to our car.

Not five minutes after the van left, she started complaining. It was too hot, it was too dirty, too many bugs, it is too hard. She said she didn't want to do this and that it was a mistake. After biting my lip, in my calmest voice, I said: look we are on this river together, there is no turning back, I am sorry I got you into this. However, complaining is not going to get you out of this conoe any faster. At this moment the best thing you can do is shut the hell up and row.:icare:

I see the Iraqi war the same way. Democrats gave Bush the authority to use force. As soon as he did, they started bitching and complaining. The difference is that the bitching and complaining gives comfort to the enemy making things more difficult. At this point Democrats need to shut the f*** up and help row.

shakran 01-11-2007 11:09 AM

Quote:

Originally Posted by aceventura3
Years ago I asked a lady I was dating if she would like to go conoeing down a river. She said yes. I told her what to expect and that it would be demanding. She said yes again. We rented a conoe, they drove us up river, and dropped us off, so we could conoe down river back to our car.


I see the Iraqi war the same way. Democrats gave Bush the authority to use force. As soon as he did, they started bitching and complaining. The difference is that the bitching and complaining gives comfort to the enemy making things more difficult. At this point Democrats need to shut the f*** up and help row.


Well the main difference is that you were honest in your parable about the lady. You told her it would be hard. You told her what to expect. You also told her you'd be canoeing on a river, and that's what you did. You didn't tell her you'd be canoing on a river and then took her rafting on the ocean instead.

Bush told us it would be easy. With SHOCK AND AWE we would roll over Iraq like a steam roller on the Pillsbury doughboy. We would be fighting the "terr-ists." We would be getting rid of the WMD's that we KNEW were there (they're between Baghdad and Tikrit said Rumsfeld).

Then we got there, and despite Bush having declared the mission accomplished, we're still there, getting killed every day, not having found one WMD or one terrorist who didn't come into the country after we destroyed the borders so as to LET them in. In short, while you told your lady friend the truth, Bush lied through his teeth, repeatedly.

And while you and she were canoeing down the river, you weren't secretly directing that all the other boaters be carted off to a hidden pond where they'd be tortured for years on end.

Bush, on the other hand, authorised a CIA "Extraordinary Rendition" program in which they fly suspected terr-ists and innocent people they just feel like questioning off to countries like Egypt, Syria, and Uzbekistan. There, as CIA interrogators look on, workers in those countries torture these people constantly - sometimes to the point of death. They're bent in half so they can't breathe. They're chained to the wall in a room that slowly fills with water until they nearly drown. They're beaten. Razor blades are used to make small one inch cuts all over their bodies, including the penis. They're fed rotten food and given only yellow, disease infested water, and that's only scratching the surface. If you think Abu Ghraib was nasty, that's not even half as bad as what the Syrians can dream up to do to you, and all while the CIA watches, under orders from the top - the president. (source for this entire paragraph, Ghost Plane by journalist Stephen Grey. Good read, but if you're at all human it will piss you off)

Now, if you seriously think I'm going to sit here and help row the boat that ferries innocent victims to the torture chamber, you're out of your mind.

filtherton 01-11-2007 11:15 AM

Quote:

Originally Posted by aceventura3
Years ago I asked a lady I was dating if she would like to go conoeing down a river. She said yes. I told her what to expect and that it would be demanding. She said yes again. We rented a conoe, they drove us up river, and dropped us off, so we could conoe down river back to our car.

Not five minutes after the van left, she started complaining. It was too hot, it was too dirty, too many bugs, it is too hard. She said she didn't want to do this and that it was a mistake. After biting my lip, in my calmest voice, I said: look we are on this river together, there is no turning back, I am sorry I got you into this. However, complaining is not going to get you out of this conoe any faster. At this moment the best thing you can do is shut the hell up and row.:icare:

I see the Iraqi war the same way. Democrats gave Bush the authority to use force. As soon as he did, they started bitching and complaining. The difference is that the bitching and complaining gives comfort to the enemy making things more difficult. At this point Democrats need to shut the f*** up and help row.

As far as i know (i could be wrong) neither boatin, nor the vast majority of the people generally reviled for not supporting the war ever voted to authorize the invasion of iraq.

In the context of your story these people would be akin to someone who never wanted to ride your canoe and, once in the canoe and complaining, are accused of hating nature.

aceventura3 01-11-2007 11:22 AM

After numerous UN resolutions, after countless speaches about the threat, the Bush administration laid out their concerns to the world and to Congress. He was clear and said it would be long and difficult. When Bush asked for authority to use force, no one can honestly say that they thought he was not actually going to use force. If they did ... what can I say.

I certainly understand complaints from people who have been consistently against the war from the begining until now. However, that has not been the Democratic party in Congress and has been a very small percentage of the American public.

Moskie 01-11-2007 11:30 AM

It is a difficult situation to reconcile. I firmly believe the way we engaged Iraq was a mistake (a belief I've had since the start of the war), but looking forward, I understand we hold a great responsibility to avoid a worst case scenario.

But at the same time, I want George Bush held accountable for the mistake. I'm not referring to impeachment, but just being held accountable in a political sense is good enough. I don't want to give him everything he asks for, whether it be more troops, more time, what have you. And I think people, in a sense, want Iraq to fail at this point as a way to hold Bush accountable for the initial mistake of starting the war in the first place. And I sympathize with that notion. What message does it send that a manipulative war-mongering president gets everything he asks for? Now, if the cost of seeking that retribution weren't what it is (countless Iraqi lives, vast instability in the Middle East, future terrorist havens) I'd be all for it. Others think the dangers of letting presidents like George Bush get away with what he's done is a greater price to pay. Again, I find it difficult to reconcile.

Ace.. we've discussed how I don't like getting wrapped up in metaphors before ;) but what if there's a waterfall at the end of that river? do you swim to the shore, or go careening off the edge?

And perhaps I'm just naive in my views of Congress approving the use of force in Iraq... but just because Congress gave him the OK, that doesn't equate to a free pass from being held accountable. What George Bush did with the military with Congress' approval, as commander in chief, is still his own responsibility. If things go bad, he should bear the brunt of that responsibility. Congress gave Bush just enough rope to hang himself. Whether he does, is up to him. (.... there's a Saddam/hanging joke in there somewhere, i just know it.)

host 01-11-2007 11:34 AM

Quote:

Originally Posted by aceventura3
Years ago I asked a lady I was dating if she would like to go conoeing down a river. She said yes. I told her what to expect and that it would be demanding. She said yes again. We rented a conoe, they drove us up river, and dropped us off, so we could conoe down river back to our car.....

Was the river in Egypt?

Quote:

http://www.amazon.com/gp/product/cus...283155&s=books
State of Denial: Bush at War, Part III (Hardcover)
by Bob Woodward
(231 customer reviews)

dc_dux 01-11-2007 11:42 AM

Quote:

Originally Posted by aceventura3
After numerous UN resolutions, after countless speaches about the threat, the Bush administration laid out their concerns to the world and to Congress. He was clear and said it would be long and difficult. When Bush asked for authority to use force, no one can honestly say that they thought he was not actually going to use force. If they did ... what can I say.

I certainly understand complaints from people who have been consistently against the war from the begining until now. However, that has not been the Democratic party in Congress and has been a very small percentage of the American public.

Even assuming all the above is true (but I would characterize it as mostly bullshit), why would reasonable, intelligent people continue to "row" for a leader who misled them at every opportunity since before the invasion, mismanaged and mishandled nearly every political and military turn in your "imaginary river" of Iraq since the invasion, and who is willing to throw himself and those who follow (including the loyal and courageous men and women in unform who cannot speak out) over the falls into the abyss for an ideological obsession.

mixedmedia 01-11-2007 11:55 AM

What does it mean if I think everyone on this thread makes good, valid points?

Political beliefs, in most of us, are closely associated with our core moral beliefs. Thus political discussion between people of different political beliefs often becomes emotional. No one likes to have their core moral beliefs poked at with an invalidating stick. It's a natural side-effect of the conflict of these kinds of ideas.

That said, I think the level of opprobrium and vilification in this forum is extremely mild-mannered and civilized. I've said it before and I say it again.

And that said, I think both sides often put their impulse to "be political" before the implementation of common sense and a desire to solve problems. At this time, our country is nearly paralyzed by this crippling phenomena to be sure.

aceventura3 01-11-2007 12:06 PM

Quote:

Originally Posted by Moskie
Ace.. we've discussed how I don't like getting wrapped up in metaphors before ;) but what if there's a waterfall at the end of that river? do you swim to the shore, or go careening off the edge?

I would hope we could work as a team to reach our final goal.

On my date after a while she finally realized the situation, gave me the silent treatment and focused on rowing. She broke up with me afterward, but I did have to endure a mouthful on the drive home, which was o.k. because she needed to vent her anger. I think she started dating a guy who liked writing poetry and taking black and white pictures of flowers, I think she was much happier, so was I.

And perhaps I'm just naive in my views of Congress approving the use of force in Iraq... but just because Congress gave him the OK, that doesn't equate to a free pass from being held accountable. What George Bush did with the military with Congress' approval, as commander in chief, is still his own responsibility. If things go bad, he should bear the brunt of that responsibility.... Congress gave Bush just enough rope to hang himself. Whether he does, is up to him.[/QUOTE]

Here is a link to the authority given to Bush:

Quote:

SEC. 3. AUTHORIZATION FOR USE OF UNITED STATES ARMED FORCES.

(a) AUTHORIZATION. The President is authorized to use the Armed Forces of the United States as he determines to be necessary and appropriate in order to

(1) defend the national security of the United States against the continuing threat posed by Iraq; and

(2) enforce all relevant United Nations Security Council Resolutions regarding Iraq.
http://www.whitehouse.gov/news/relea...0021002-2.html

Democrats who say they were and are against the Iraqi war voted in favor of this. Certainly Bush should be held accountable for mistakes, but it seems to me that you should hold all members of Congress equally responsible for us being in Iraq.

Also wars have peaks and valleys. At one point we were losing the Revolutionary War, the Civil War, and WWII, in those wars in paticular I am very happy we continued fighting. I feel the same way about the war in Iraq.

host 01-11-2007 12:15 PM

Quote:

Originally Posted by aceventura3
After numerous UN resolutions, after countless speaches about the threat, the Bush administration laid out their concerns to the world and to Congress.....

ace, the invasion of Iraq was a crime of aggressive war....
http://www.benferencz.org/arts/83.html

Quote:

What happens now? The United Nations after Iraq
Thomas M Franck. The American Journal of International Law. Washington: Jul 2003.Vol.97, Iss. 3; pg. 607

I. WHO KILLED ARTICLE 2(4) AGAIN?

Thirty-three years ago I published an article in this Journal entitled Who Killed Article 2(4)? or: Changing Norms Governing the Use of Force by States, which examined the phenomenon of increasingly frequent resort to unlawful force by Britain, France, India, North Korea, the Soviet Union, and the United States. The essay concluded with this sad observation:

The failure of the U.N. Charter's normative system is tantamount to the inability of any rule, such as that set out in Article 2(4), in itself to have much control over the behavior of states. National self-interest, particularly the national self-interest of the super-Powers, has usually won out over treaty obligations.

Should international lawyers guard their faith in such circumstances? Or should we cut our coats according to the cloth? Si non possis quod velis, velis id quod possis. Perhaps. But, then, for one dazzling moment in the 1990s, the end of the Cold War seemed to revive faith in the Charter system, almost giving it a rebirth. Now, however, in the new millennium, after a decade's romance with something approximating law-abiding state behavior, the law-based system is once again being dismantled. In its place we are offered a model that makes global security wholly dependent on the supreme power and discretion of the United States and frees the sole superpower from all restraints of international law.....

....The unlawful recourses to force, during the period surveyed in the 1970 essay, were accompanied by a fig leaf of legal justification, which, at least tacitly, recognized the residual force of the requirement in Charter Article 2(4) that states "refrain in their international relations from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any state." Then, the aggressors habitually defended the legality of their recourse to force by asserting that their actions, taken in response to an alleged prior attack or provocation, were exercises of the right of self-defense under the terms of Charter Article 51. Now, however, in marked contrast, they have all but discarded the fig leaf. While a few government lawyers still go through the motions of asserting that the invasion of Iraq was justified by our inherent right of self-defense, or represented a collective measure authorized by the Security Council under Chapter VII of the Charter, the leaders of America no longer much bother with such legal niceties. Instead, they boldly proclaim a new policy that openly repudiates the Article 2(4) obligation. What is remarkable, this time around, is that once-obligatory efforts by the aggressor to make a serious effort to stretch law to legitimate state action have given way to a drive to repeal law altogether, replacing it with a principle derived from the Athenians at Melos: "the strong do what they can and the weak suffer what they must."2

In this essay I will attempt to examine whether this neo-Melian doctrine will make any difference to the way the international system works, or whether our government, by dispensing with the lawyers' shopworn casuistry, is just being realistic in exposing the yawning gap between what states always do in their ambitious pursuit of power and what they are permitted to do by the fragile normative structure.....

....III. THE OPTIMISTIC 1990s

After the Soviet side of bipolarity crumbled, ....this could be brought about by rediscovering the Charter's founding principle: that force would be used only in self-defense against an actual armed attack; or after a threat to the peace had been determined by the collective decision-making process of the security Council acting under Chapter VII of the Charter; or, exceptionally, if the General Assembly, proceeding in accordance with the "Uniting for Peace" resolution,3 had determined the existence of a "threat to the peace, breach of the peace or act of aggression."

For about a decade, the international system seemed to be moving in this direction, with Article 2(4) miraculously reborn in a post-Cold War order underwritten by a return to the law of the long-languishing Charter. This expectation was reinforced, and was facilitated by, UN-organized or -authorized military deployments in the first Gulf war, the former Yugoslavia, Somalia, and Haiti. In 1989 the United States briefly reverted to the Cold War model by invading Panama and doing so under cover of a claim to be acting in self-defense. By and large, however, the decade after the Soviet collapse seemed to presage a resurrection of Article 2(4), albeit with some flexible adaptation in practice to reflect changes of circumstance.4

....on September 12, 2001, when the Security Council unanimously passed the resolution in reaction to the attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon. This resolution demonstrated not only the goodwill and collective wisdom of the Council as global decision-making forum, but also the flexibility of the Charter system in adapting old text to new exigencies. It construed the Charter-based right of self-defense to include authority to use force against nonstatal terrorist organizations, as well as "those responsible for aiding, supporting or harbouring the perpetrators, organizers and sponsors of . . . acts" of terrorism.5 Two weeks later, the Council created mandatory global controls to prevent the financing of terrorism and the recruiting of terrorists, while adding procedures for monitoring and enforcing state compliance.6 It appeared that the long dormant Charter rules regarding recourse to force not only were starting to revive-that I had reported their death prematurely-but were exhibiting an altogether-unexpected capacity to grow and adapt. In a rapidly changing world, the Security Council was proving itself able to interpret and apply the rules in such a way as to make them responsive to new dangers posed by nongovernmental terrorism and terrorism-harboring states, treating these as bona fide threats to the peace against which resort to force in collective self-defense is not merely necessary but also permissible.

IV. THE RELAPSE OF 2003

The invasion of Iraq in March of 2003, and a penumbra of policy statements made concurrently by the United States, have succeeded in changing all that. Article 2(4) has died again, and, this time, perhaps for good. This is no mere happenstance. At the cutting edge of U.S. policymaking today are persons who have never forgiven the United Nations for the General Assembly's 1975 resolution equating Zionism with racism7 and who, despite its subsequent repeal, see the Organization as the implacable foe of Israel and the United States. The defanging of the United Nations has remained high on their agenda and the events of September 11, 2001, have created the opportunity to achieve that once-impossible dream. Thus has Article 2(4) taken another hit; this time, however, as part of a much broader plan to disable all supranational institutions and the constraints of international law on national sovereignty. If, as now seems all too possible, this campaign succeeds within the life span of the present U.S. administration, what sort of world order will emerge from the ruins of the Charter system?

V. DID THE IRAQ INVASION VIOLATE THE CHARTER?

Any prognosis regarding the future of world order must begin by addressing the question whether recent events have indeed had a transformative effect on the law of the international system and, if so, what that transformation portends. As in 1970, one must begin by making a clear-eyed appraisal of what has been happening. If the invasion of Iraq was nothing but an act of self-defense by the United States and its allies, or merely an exercise of police power previously authorized by the Security Council, these events would serve only to verify the continued efficacy of the Charter system. There would have been no violation of the cardinal principle of Article 2(4), as that no-first-use pledge is always subordinate to both the right of self-defense recognized by Article 51 and the right of the Security Council, under Chapter VII, to authorize action against a threat to the peace. If, however, the invasion cannot thus be reconciled with the rules of the Charter, does the invasion of Iraq constitute a simple violation of the rules-one of many and thus of no more legal significance than a holdup of the neighborhood grocery-or should it be celebrated as a deliberate and salutary move toward UN reform? Or should these recent events be understood, more apocalyptically, as the final burial of the Charter's fundamental rules? At this point in our analysis of the systemic significance of these events, it becomes essential to focus not only on facts but also on motives for action. Needless to say, this is swampy terrain; but one must try.

The invasion of Iraq can be positioned in each of these explanatory contexts, but just barely. It can be argued that the invasion was lawful (and thus neither violative nor transformative of the Charter). It can also be argued that, while the attack on Iraq may have been technically illegal, its transformative effect on the law has been wholly benevolent....

...The argument that recent events have not challenged, or have violated only de minimis, the Charter law pertaining to recourse to force is very difficult to sustain, although it enjoys the enthusiastic support of some American academics and the rather less enthusiastic support of State Department lawyers. Abroad, it has been advanced only by the British attorney general, supported by a prominent academic lawyer.8 As enunciated by Legal Adviser William Howard Taft IV of the Department of State, the argument has two prongs. The first is that the president may, "of course, always use force under international law in self-defense."9 The problem with that rationale is that, even if it were agreed that the right of self-defense "against an armed attack" (Charter, Art. 51) had come, through practice, to include a right of action against an imminent (as opposed to an actual) armed attack, the facts of the situation that existed in March 2003 are hard to fit within any plausible theory of imminence. This was a time, after all, when UN and International Atomic Energy Agency inspectors were actively engaged in situ in an apparently unrestricted search for weapons of mass destruction (WMDs) undertaken with full authorization by the Security Council.10 Whatever the inspectors did or did not learn about Iraqi WMDs, nothing in their reports lends any credibility to the claim of an imminent threat of armed aggression against anyone. Indeed, the memorandum of the attorney general of the United Kingdom, while supporting the right to use force, wisely omits all reference to this rationale for its exercise.11

The second prong of the de minimis argument is more sophisticated than the plea to have acted in self-defense. It avers that the attack led by Britain and the United States had already been sanctioned by the Security Council. Essential to the success of this assertion is a creative, and ultimately unsustainable, reading of three Security Council resolutions-678, 687, and 1441-and of their "legislative history." According to Legal Adviser Taft, Resolution 678

was the authorization to use force for the Gulf War in January 1991. In April of that year, the Council imposed a series of conditions on Iraq, including most importantly extensive disarmament obligations, as a condition of the ceasefire declared under UNSCR 687. Iraq has "materially breached" these disarmament obligations, and force may again be used under UNSCR 678 to compel Iraqi compliance.

. . .Just last November, in resolution 1441, the Council unanimously decided that Iraq has been and remains in material breacli of its obligation. 1441 then gave Iraq a "final opportunity" to comply, but stated specifically that violations of the obligations, including the obligation to cooperate fully, under 1441 would constitute a further material breach. Iraq has clearly committed such violations and, accordingly, the authority to use force to address Iraq's material breaches is clear.12

The British government developed this same thesis, claiming that, by Resolution 678 the Security Council had authorized "Member States to use all necessary means to restore international peace and security in the area" and that, while that authorization "was suspended but not terminated by Security Council resolution (SCR) 687 (1991)," it was "revived by SCR 1441 (2002)."13

This version of the meaning and intent of these three resolutions is highly problematic, and appears to have caused the resignation, on a matter of principle, of the deputy legal adviser of the British Foreign Office. Resolution 678 culminated a series of resolutions by the Security Council that condemned Iraq's invasion of Kuwait, called for the immediate withdrawal of the aggressor,14 imposed mandatory sanctions on Iraq until Kuwaiti sovereignty was restored,15 and declared the Iraqi annexation of Kuwait to be null and void.16 In each instance, the purpose of the resolution was solely to liberate Kuwait. Only when these measures failed to secure Iraqi withdrawal did the Council in Resolution 678, citing Chapter VII of the Charter, "authorize[ ] Member States co-operating with the Government of Kuwait . . . to use all necessary means to uphold and implement resolution 660 (1990) and all subsequent relevant resolutions and to restore international peace and security in the area."17

This sequence readily demonstrates that the restoration of Kuwaiti sovereignty was the leitmotif of Council action. That the authorization of collective measures by Resolution 678 additionally refers to the restoration of "international peace and security in the area" does not connote some expansive further mandate for contingent action against Iraq at the discretion of any individual member of the coalition of the willing. President George Bush Sr. acknowledged as much in explaining why the American military had not pursued Saddam Hussein's defeated forces to Baghdad.18 They were not authorized to do so.

The resolution, however, certainly does signal that Iraq was to be subject to further post-conflict intrusive controls: those imposed by the Council in Resolution 687, as part of the cease-fire. These additional obligations are made binding by reference to Chapter VII of the Charter and they were designed, implemented, and meant to be monitored by the Security Council as a whole, not by any individual member acting at its own pleasure. Resolution 687, sometimes referred to as the "mother of all cease-fires," is not only a binding decision of the Security Council, but also an international agreement between the United Nations and Iraq, made effective only "upon official notification by Iraq to the Secretary-General and to the Security Council of its acceptance" of the provisions set out therein.19 In legal form, then, as also in substance, this proviso manifests that it is the Security Council and the United Nations, and not individual members, who are the parties, with Iraq, to the cease-fire agreement. It is they who are entitled in law to determine whether Iraq is complying with its commitments to the Council, how long these are to remain in effect, and what is to be done in the event of their violation.

The obligations imposed by Resolution 687 are certainly onerous, and encompass everything that Iraq, thereafter, has been accused of failing to do. Baghdad had to agree to the verified destruction of its weapons of mass destruction and any industrial capacity to produce them, as well as of its medium and long-range delivery systems.20 Monitoring of compliance, both by a special commission to be created by the Secretary-General and by inspectors of the International Atomic Energy Agency, became mandatory.21 Baghdad was also required "to inform the Security Council that it will not commit or support any act of international terrorism or allow any organization directed towards commission of such acts to operate within its territory."22 What if Iraq failed to carry out these commitments to the Council and the United Nations? Clearly, this determination was to be made by the collective security process of the Organization. To ensure such follow-up, the Council, in Resolution 687, was "to remain seized of the matter and to take such further steps as may be required for the implementation of the present resolution and to secure peace and security in the area."23 It would take further steps, not individual member states acting without further authorization.

Neither the text nor the debates on the adoption of Resolution 687 reveal the slightest indication that the Council intended to empower any of its members, by themselves, to determine that Iraq was in material breach. Much less can the resolution be read to authorize any state to decide unilaterally to resume military action against Iraq, save in the event of an armed attack. That deduction is supported by the architecture of the Charter. For the Council to have made a prospective grant of unilateral discretion to states to deploy armed force, in the absence of an actual (or imminent) armed attack, would have been an unprecedented derogation from the strictures of Article 2(4). At the least, to be plausible, such a derogation would have had to be explicit. Moreover, such a delegation of unlimited discretion to individual states cannot be assumed because it could not have been implemented alongside the Council's institution of an extensive system of inspections under its authority and control.

The UK attorney general cannot overcome these objections by an unsupported averral that a "material breach of resolution 687 revives the authority to use force under resolution 678."24 As we have noted, the authority to use force under Resolution 678 extended exclusively to the liberation of Kuwait and to restoring peace and security in the region. In March 2003, the peace and security of the region did not require recourse to force, and the Council plainly did not think otherwise. What the Council thought is crucial. Resolution 687 would not have explicitly reserved sole discretion to the Council "to take such further steps as may be required for [its] implementation"25 if the Council had simultaneously intended to delegate that function to the sole discretion of member states.

Thus, neither Resolution 678 nor Resolution 687 helps Washington or London make a convincing case that they acted with, rather than against, the law. Nor are their difficulties in any way alleviated by Resolution 1441. While that instrument does deplore "that the Government of Iraq has failed to comply with its commitments pursuant to resolution 687," it addresses that failure exclusively by deciding "to set up an enhanced inspection regime."26 Anticipating further Iraqi noncompliance, the resolution makes provision for the Council to be convened immediately "in order to consider the situation and the need for full compliance . . . in order to secure international peace and security," and it warns Iraq "in that context . . . that it will face serious consequences as a result of its continued violations of its obligations."27 It once again decides that the Council will "remain seized of the matter."28 The British attorney general somehow concluded from these words that even though the Council is to convene to "consider the matter before any action is taken," no matter what the Council does or does not do, "further [military] action can be taken [by a member] without a new resolution of the Council."29 From this he deduces that "all that resolution 1441 requires is reporting to and discussion by the Security Council of Iraq's failures, but not an express further decision to authorise force."30 This conclusion is at best a creative interpretation. In fact, what Resolution 1441 did was to purchase unanimity for the return of the inspectors by postponing to another day, which the sponsors hoped might never be reached, the argument as to whether Resolutions 678 and 687 had authorized further enforcement at the sole discretion of one or more of the Council's members.

Perhaps to its credit, the Taft statement does not tread this tortuous path. Instead, it argues that since the Council had recognized several times that Iraq had committed a "material breach" of Resolution 687, recourse to force rested within the sole discretion of each Council member in accordance with the provision of the law of treaties on the consequences of such a "material" violation of obligations.31 This tack moves the argument away from a parsing of Council resolutions to the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties. But it is the United Nations, not the United States, that is the offended "party" to Resolution 687, and thus it is the Council, not the United States, that has the option under the Convention to regard the resolution as voided by Iraq's material breaches. Additionally, even if the United States were regarded as a "party" to the commitments made by Iraq in agreeing to Resolution 687, a material breach would not release Washington, as the offended party, from the obligation under the Vienna Convention "to fulfil any obligation embodied in the treaty to which it would be subject under international law independently of the [materially breached] treaty."32 That provision, it would appear, places the United States squarely back under the obligation of Charter Article 2(4), which, in the absence of any provision in Resolution 687 to the contrary, must be regarded as an essential part of its legal context and which requires states to abstain from the use of force in the absence either of an armed attack or of prior authorization by the Security Council.

These British and U.S. justifications do not fare well under close examination, however benevolent their intent to demonstrate compliance with the Charter. Consequently, the effect of those nations' unauthorized recourse to force against Iraq must be seen as either revising or undermining the provisions limiting the discretion of states to resort to force.

VI. A CHARTER REVISED

Well, if the Iraq invasion did not exactly conform with the law of the Charter, should it not, at least, be celebrated as a violation that has the capacity to reform the law and make it more realistic?

In international law, violators do sometimes turn out to be lawgivers. I have argued elsewhere that the Charter, as a quasi-constitutional instrument, is capable of evolving through the interpretive practice of its principal organs.33 That interpretive practice may sometimes be led by states with an interest in outcomes that cannot be legitimated by a narrowly originalist reading of the text. In such circumstances, violation shades into revision, sometimes to the benefit of the law and the institution charged with its implementation. The phenomenon is not unknown, also, to domestic law, though it occurs much more frequently in the international arena. The International Court has confirmed, for example, that the abstention of a permanent member of the Security Council in a vote on a substantive resolution is no longer to be taken to constitute a veto as a result of "abundant evidence" of members' practice to that effect.34 The Court reached this conclusion despite the text of Charter Article 27(3), which requires that substantive resolutions receive "the concurring votes of the permanent members." In a similar example of the interpretive power of institutional practice, extensive UN peacekeeping operations have long been based on an evolutionary reading of the Charter's imagined "Chapter 6 1/2." Nothing in the text actually authorizes these by-and-large salubrious activities. In recent years, too, practice has seemed to legitimate such humanitarian interventions as those undertaken by regional organizations in West Africa and Kosovo, even though they had not received the requisite (Art. 53) prior authorization of the Security Council.35 Further evidence of this important interpretive change is afforded by the Constitutive Act of the African Union, Article 4(h) of which recognizes "the right of the Union to intervene in a Member State pursuant to a decision of the Assembly in respect of grave circumstances, namely: war crimes, genocide and crimes against humanity," when such intervention is authorized by two-thirds of the members.36...

...the dean of Princeton's Woodrow Wilson School, Professor Anne-Marie Slaughter. Seeking to close the gap between Charter norms and U.S. practice, she has proposed that the Security Council

adopt a resolution recognizing that the following set of conditions would constitute a threat to the peace sufficient to justify the use of force: 1) possession of weapons of mass destruction or clear and convincing evidence of attempts to gain such weapons; 2) grave and systematic human rights abuses sufficient to demonstrate the absence of any internal constraints on government behavior; and 3) evidence of aggressive intent with regard to other nations.37

Slaughter believes that other nations would agree to such an adumbration of Charter law because they would feel "stronger and safer" in an institutional system robustly able to address the global threat of terrorism and because such a reform, based on a reinvigorated United Nations, would open up "the only forum in which other nations can make their voices heard in deliberations with the United States." The United States and everyone else needs to recognize, she concludes, that the United Nations "is the forum in which a genuine multilateral decision-making process must take place."38

While it is altogether admirable to seek to make the invasion of Iraq an opportunity to strengthen the UN system, this analysis, alas, takes far too optimistic a view of what the administration in Washington and the governments of most other countries have concluded from this angry episode. For the Bush administration, it has underscored the danger of subordinating the policy discretion of the world's only superpower to the perceptions and interests of institutions in which other, mostly minor and sometimes venal, governments are able to project a degree of power entirely incommensurate with reality. This view is particularly troublesome when the issue pertains to a matter, such as international terrorism, that holds far greater interest for America than for most other governments. For almost all other members of the United Nations, on the other hand, the events leading up to the invasion of Iraq demonstrated the folly of embarking upon any renegotiation of the rules pertaining to the deployment of force, however sensible, when they knew full well that Washington would ultimately apply the agreed standards unilaterally. That, to most states, was the message of Resolution 1441, which ultimately became the legal justification for the invasion of Iraq. As the British attorney general put it, agreed standards are a sound basis for multilateral discussion, but not for multilateral control over action. The world's governments, their advice on Iraq spurned, now understand that the sole superpower's administration is not in the least interested in rules, old or new, if they are to be applied case by case through "a genuine multilateral decision-making process." It has no intention of subordinating its sole responsibility for protecting what it perceives to be its national security to the judgment of others.

A "genuine multilateral decision-making process" requires the willingness of each participant to accept views, perceptions, and policies it does not share, but that prevail within the institution engaging in the process. In the run-up to the Iraq invasion, it became clear that the overwhelming majority of nations-not, as some have said, just a power jealous President Jacques Chirac of France and the feckless Chancellor Gerhard Schroder of Germany-believed either that Iraq did not have a significant number of weapons of mass destruction or, if such weapons and the necessary delivery systems existed, that they could be found by the instituted system of inspections. Very few nations accepted that credible evidence could be shown of either WMDs or an operational link between Al Qaeda and the regime in Baghdad. This was a judgment call, pure and simple, and there are indications that the majority may have been right, and the United States and Britain wrong, as to both the evidence at hand and what to do about it.39 But the nub of the matter is not who was right and who wrong but who gets to decide what to do. The UN system did not "fail" because of differences of opinion about what to do if the facts were, indeed, as asserted by Washington. Saddam Hussein had no do-or-die defenders in the Council chamber. To the extent the Council can be said to have "failed," it failed because most states had "misunderstood" the role assigned to them under the Charter and the applicable resolutions. They expected, or naively hoped, to be the jury to which evidence and arguments as to the facts would be presented and that, collegially, they would then make the final decision about what should be done; whereas the British and U.S. governments took the view that, after the discourse ended, the decision would be up to them, alone. The problem is not one of devising new rules but of reaching agreement on who gets to apply them.

In essence, the Iraqi crisis was not primarily about what to do but, rather, who decides. There is an answer to that problem, of course, one clearly set out in Article 27 of the Charter. Through the veto, the United States, with the other four permanent members, has the right to block collective action and it takes frequent advantage of this prerogative. On the other hand, the Charter does not give the United States, or any other state, sole power to initiate action, except in response to an armed attack. While this deal may have seemed acceptable to America in 1945, it is apparently no longer satisfactory to the protectors of American preeminence. Nowadays, the U.S. government does not wish to be limited in this way. Thus, the invasion of Iraq is more accurately seen as a repudiation of the central decision-making premise of the Charter system than as a genuine opening to reform, unless by reform is meant the reconstitution of the international system along the lines of an American global protectorate.

This is a sad conclusion to offer well-meaning champions of the Charter system. Unfortunately, however, this is not a time for optimistic speculation about how to make the United Nations more responsive to new challenges. Rather, reformers need first to understand that the system stands in mortal jeopardy of being destroyed altogether. If, and only if, something can be done about that will there be another time to talk about improving the rules.

VII. REPUDIATING THE UN SYSTEM

The U.S. government (without, in this instance, the acquiescence of Britain) is out to disable the United Nations. Oh, yes, on its present tangent Washington will keep its membership, but primarily to block by its veto any action by others thought to be inimical to American interests. From time to time, the Bush administration may find it convenient to use the Organization to fix a famine, relocate some refugees, share some costs, even train a police force. What recent events make clear, however, is that the United States no longer considers itself subordinated in any way to the treaty rules that lie at the heart of the United Nations Charter. An anomalous situation therefore faces the Organization, which cannot expel a veto-bearing scofflaw state against its will, but which, in those circumstances, is doomed to encounter great difficulty in carrying out the wishes of its other members. Only three alternatives seem to offer themselves at present: the United States could change its policy, it could withdraw from the Organization, or the other members could withdraw to form a new system of international relations, a coalition of the seriously willing. None of these options are easy or probable.

Some see the present impasse as an opportunity to be rid of an international regime that is insufficiently responsive to both America's needs and the reality of our disproportionate power. The most creative of these "realist" intellectuals link the demise of the United Nations as a viable peace-and-security system to the invention of something more amenable to U.S. interests. But what? According to Michael Glennon, "Ad hoc coalitions of the willing will effectively succeed it."40 Really? Have we not already seen in the recent conflict what these ad hoc coalitions will look like: a sizable contingent from Britain, a few hundred policemen from Poland, Romania, and Bulgaria (at least until their nations are integrated into the European Union), a few soldiers from Australia and Albania, and good wishes from Israel? In practice, this prescription would require the United States to do everything alone, with Britain in tow at least until the next British elections-this in a world of rapidly intensifying animosity to almost all American projects.

To carry off such unipolarity, whatever its pros and cons, at a minimum requires a burgeoning economy and we do not have one. It also requires sociopolitical solidarity at home. To sustain such solidarity, a nation must be staunchly united. Yet, according to the eminent Republican economist Kevin Phillips, the social fabric was already badly frayed even before we began to shoulder the burden of this new global protectorate. In less than twenty years, Phillips has shown, the income gap between the richest 1 percent and the poorest 20 percent of the population has more than doubled, from a ratio of 30:1 in 1979, to one of 75:1 in 1997.41 Thus, there looms the specter not only of vast increases in the cost of foreign undertakings, but also of a radical shift in the bearing of that burden. The nation is about to reduce spending on basic needs like education, health care, and infrastructure by $100 billion. How much solidarity can one expect from parents with children in overcrowded, crumbling classrooms in which school lunches, computer training, and after-school enrichment programs have become a dim memory? How closely tied to the common enterprise can one imagine the overtaxed middle-class home-owners and white-collar workers in America's bankrupt cities to be? Have we so soon forgotten the experience of war at home when last we pursued the logic of preeminence in Vietnam?

Solidarity is also a matter of civic pride: how we, as a people, perceive our nation; and that is at least in part conditioned by how we are perceived by others. On September 11, 2001, every nation in the world voiced its support for us, sympathy for our tragedy, and willingness to join in the war on terrorism. Now, almost every nation regards us as the world's gravest threat to peace. Even in Britain, Spain, and Italy, nations whose governments sided with us over the war in Iraq, the publics overwhelmingly oppose America's assertions of unilateral power. This opposition is not based solely on our actions in Iraq. America, in its new reality check, has concluded that it need not accommodate the values and agendas of the world regarding the environment, land mines, or an international criminal court. Having recklessly separated us from both friend and foe, the standard-bearers of triumphal unipolarity have already realized half of their fantasy: we are, now, truly alone in the world. Saddled with so much animosity, we cannot possibly count on burden sharing as we seek to implement our national interest. The self-professed realists seem blissfully unfazed by this. They will come around. "Every major country," Professor Glennon says, "faces imminent danger from terrorism, for example, and from the new surge in WMD proliferation. None will gain by permitting these threats to reach fruition."42 In reality, however, few states regard themselves as directly threatened by terrorism in any of its present manifestations. On the contrary, they see cooperation with America, in its current mood, as an invitation to terrorist reprisal. If, up to now, they have supported American efforts to curb Al Qaeda, it is not because they regard themselves as its targets but, rather, because they have had a stake in the cooperative regime of UN collective security: the very thing Washington now seems determined to dismantle. If these states see supporting the United States as earning them a place on the terrorist hit list, but not a place at the diplomatic table where decisions on the war against terrorism are taken, few will apply for that hollow privilege.

At the heart of the debate about the future of American foreign policy is not this or that strategy toward one or another rogue regime. It is the role of institutions and law in policymaking generally. Glennon reflects the views of many in the current U.S. administration when he launches this bold assertion: "States are not bound by rules to which they do not agree."43 Significantly, he deletes the Westphalian concomitant: States are bound by rules to which they do agree. The United States, in full compliance with its own complex constitutional process, accepted the regime of the UN Charter, which includes limitations on the right of unilateral recourse to force. The states that opposed an armed invasion of Iraq did so not, as Glennon conjectures, because President Chirac wanted to restrict U.S. power but, rather, because they shared a widespread and still-credible belief that what the Washington policymakers had decided to do would make the problem of terrorism worse, not better. In refusing to assent to the U.S. strategy, they were responding exactly as the Charter intended. From the perspective of the policymakers, this dissonant response was unacceptable-not primarily because it hindered the Pentagon's strategy in this instance (it did not, except for the inconvenience of precluding a simultaneous invasion through Turkey), but because it reminded them that the United States remains treaty bound to an international regime that specifically forbids the unconstricted unilateralism Washington craves. While the usual U.S. response to such inhibiting entanglements is to reject the treaty, the administration understands that for the United States to withdraw from the UN system would leave its machinery intact but in the hands of others, an unpalatable outcome. Thus, we now see the effort to incapacitate what Washington can neither abide nor abandon.

VIII. THE BUSH SECURITY STRATEGY

The impetus to bring the postwar international regime to an end is broadly manifested in the 2002 National Security Strategy (NSS), making it necessary, in this context, to make reference to it.

Discussions of the implications of U.S. action against Saddam Hussein's Iraq inevitably become enmeshed in analysis of this grouping of statements by President George W. Bush, published in September 2002 under the title The National Security Strategy of the United States of America.44 The NSS recapitulates and restates several presidential statements, delivered between September 20, 2001, and June 1, 2002, in which a focused effort is made to redefine the concept of self-defense as an entitlement in international law so as to take into account the exigencies of modern terrorism, including the possibility of nuclear attacks by nonstatal actors such as Al Qaeda. In these public pronouncements, the president declared that the United States would not await a first strike of incalculable consequences but would use force first, and if necessary alone, against those who would commit acts no responsible government could fail to preempt.

What is notable in the NSS consists of two related, but different assertions. The first is that we "cannot let our enemies strike first."45 To meet that threat, the president promises that "the United States will, if necessary, act preemptively."46 To the same end, he introduces the concept of "anticipatory action to defend ourselves, even if uncertainty remains as to the time and place of the enemy's attack."47 By itself, this seems a reasoned extrapolation of existing rights of self-defense. After all, the principle of anticipatory self-defense has been known to international law for almost two centuries and has gained a certain credibility, despite the restrictive terms of Charter Article 51. This credibility is augmented both by contemporary state practice and by deduction from the logic of modern weaponry.48 However, the president appeared in his statement to be exponentially expanding the range of permissible preemption, from that of the Caroline doctrine, which requires a "necessity of . . . self-defence [that] is instant, overwhelming, and leaving no choice of means, and no moment for deliberation,"49 to something like a balancing of reasonable probabilities. Whether, and how wisely, this interpretation seeks to transform international law is debatable, even if it is widely acknowledged that a strict reading of Article 51 is no longer tenable in the face of modern terrorism and aggression. However, the implications do not end here, for there is more.

The president's second assertion is much more fundamental, although it received but passing mention. "While the United States will constantly strive to enlist the support of the international community," Mr. Bush said, "we will not hesitate to act alone, if necessary, to exercise our right of self-defense by acting preemptively against such terrorists, to prevent them from doing harm against our people and our country . . . ."50 In this key sentence, he conflates an expanded, if perhaps necessary, concept of anticipatory self-defense with a militant and highly transformative assertion of a right by the United States to determine for itself whether, and when, the conditions exist to justify recourse to this expanded right. The sum of the two assertions is far greater than the parts, for, together, they set out the doctrine that the nation is free to use force against any foe it perceives as a potential threat to its security, at any time of its choosing and with any means at its disposal. This would stand the Charter on its head.

The point is a subtle, but important one. To the extent a state acts in "self-defence if an armed attack occurs," Article 51 of the Charter does, indeed, entitle it to decide, unilaterally, when and how to deploy military force. In that sense, Article 51 is unique in the Charter scheme, for it permits each state to decide for itself whether to use force, limited only by the conditionality "if an armed attack occurs." That terminology was intended to preclude the kind of bogus claim to be acting in self-defense that Germany used to justify its invasion of Poland in 1939. No such qualification applies to collective measures taken by the Security Council under Chapter VII of the Charter. Notably, these provisions permit the use offeree against many kinds of "threats to the peace" that do not take the form of an actual armed attack. Such action, however, must first be authorized by the Council, as it was in response to such threats to the peace as the military coup in Haiti, the disintegration of civil governance in Somalia, and the humanitarian crises in the former Yugoslavia, Albania, and Rwanda. In each instance, the decision to authorize resort to force was made collectively.

In the case of Iraq, the Council, instead of approving the use of military force, unanimously, in Resolution 1441, authorized an extensive system of international inspections. Three months on, most states seemed to think this inspection regime was working well enough to obviate, at least for the time being, any further preemptive action. The presidential policy set out in the NSS seeks to ensure that this sort of thing does not happen. It aims at ending all collective control over the U.S. recourse to force. This is not system transformation but system abrogation. Instead of the law of the Charter, we find an unabashed return to the Melian principle.

IX. WHAT CAN BE DONE?

It is not within the purchase of the lawyer to make, or to change, national policy. That, in a democracy, falls within the purview of the voters and their representatives. If the voters want the United States to play the imperial superpower, it is for the historians to warn of the discouraging precedents and for the economists to count the costs. It is for the press to portray fairly and fearlessly how that policy affects the people and societies at which it is directed.

What, then, is the proper role for the lawyer? Surely, it is to stand tall for the rule of law. What this entails is self-evident. When the policymakers believe it to society's immediate benefit to skirt the law, the lawyer must speak of the longer-term costs. When the politicians seek to bend the law, the lawyers must insist that they have broken it. When a faction tries to use power to subvert the rule of law, the lawyer must defend it even at some risk to personal advancement and safety. When the powerful are tempted to discard the law, the lawyer must ask whether someday, if our omnipotence wanes, we may not need the law. Lawyers who do that may even be called traitors. But those who do not are traitors to their calling. Ordinarily, however, the role of the lawyer is more positive: to help design the framework of rules, procedures, and institutions within which persons and peoples can live productively at peace with one another.

This may not be a moment in which that positive role can come to the fore, not a time when lawyers, particularly international lawyers, can flourish. In a sense, the "realists" are right. In the circumstances of the present power disequilibrium, it may be inevitable that those who have the power will sometimes seek to take advantage of it without much regard for such ephemera as respect for neutral and reciprocal principles. <h3>It is understandable that some politicians should behave in this way, but lawyers must not. Rather, they should zealously guard their professional integrity for a time when it can again be used in the service of the common weal.</h3>
[Footnote]
1 Thomas M. Franck, Who Killed Article 2(4)? or: Changing Norms Governing the Use of Force by States, 64 AJIL 809, 836 (1970).

[Footnote]
2 THUCYDIDES, THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR: THE COMPLETE WRITINGS OF THUCYDIDES 331 (Richard Crawley trans., 1934). The effort Thucydides describes, of a highly cultivated, relatively democratic Athens, destroyed in a futile effort to protect itself against every eventuality by attacking and securing the submission of all islands from which danger might emanate, is highly relevant to our times.

[Footnote]
3 GA Res. 377A (V), UN GAOR, 5th Sess., Supp. No. 20, at 10, UN Doc. A/1775 (1950).
4 Chief among these was a general, if still controversial, acceptance that self-defense could entail a right of first strike against an immediate and overwhelming threat of attack, and the use of force in egregious instances of the violation of human rights and humanitarian law. See THOMAS M. FRANCK, RECOURSE TO FORCE: STATE ACTION AGAINST THREATS AND ARMED ATTACKS 53-173 (2002).

[Footnote]
5 SC Res. 1368, pmbl., para. 3 (Sept. 12, 2001), 40 ILM 1277 (2001).
6 SC Res. 1373, paras. 1, 2 (Sept. 28, 2001), 40 ILM 1278 (2001).
7 GA Res. 3379 (XXX), UN GAOR, 30th Sess., Supp. No. 34, at 83, UN Doc. A/10034 (1975).

[Footnote]
8 The deputy legal adviser of the British Foreign Office, however, resigned in repudiation of this line of legal reasoning. Jimmy Burns, Anti-War Group Beset by Strategy Arguments, FIN. TIMES (London), Mar. 22, 2003, at 8. The British academic supporter was Professor Christopher Greenwood, who prepared an opinion for use in Parliament. Christopher Greenwood, Memorandum: The Legality of Using Force Against Iraq (Oct. 24, 2002), available at <http://www.parliament.the-stationery-office.co.uk/pa/cm200203/cmselect/cmfaff/196/2102406.htm>.
9 William H. Taft IV, Remarks Before National Association of Attorneys General (Mar. 20, 2003), excerpted at <http://usinfo.state.gov/regional/nea/iraq/text2003/032129taft.htm>.
10 SC Res. 1441 (Nov. 8, 2002), 42 ILM 250 (2003).
11 Lord Goldsmith, Attorney General Clarifies Legal Basis for Use of Force Against Iraq (Mar. 18, 2003), available at <http://www.fco.gov.uk> (statement in answer to a parliamentary question).

18 The president said, "The U.N. resolutions never called for the elimination of Saddam Hussein. It never called for taking the battle into downtown Baghdad." 1992-93 PUB. PAPERS 568.

39 That the evidence adduced for the Security Council by the British and American governments was, at best, unconvincing and in part misrepresented and falsified is suggested by many commentators. See Paul Krugman, Matters of Emphasis, N.Y. TIMES, Apr. 29, 2003, at A29; Nicholas D. Kristof, Missing in Action: Truth, N.Y. TIMES, May 6, 2003, at A31.

44 THE NATIONAL SECURITY STRATEGY OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA (Sept. 17, 2002), available at <http.//www.whitehouse.gov/nsc/nss.pdf> [hereinafter NSS].

shakran 01-11-2007 12:21 PM

Quote:

Originally Posted by aceventura3
I would hope we could work as a team to reach our final goal.

Mr. President? Is that you? You're ignoring the metaphorical waterfall, ignoring the safe alternatives, and continuing to advocate this nebulous goal, which you still haven't clearly defined and which, to stay with the metaphor, is drowning more and more people every day. Meanwhile the boat keeps hurtling toward the waterfall while you try to distract us from the roaring noise of our impending destruction.

This metaphor turned out to be extraordinarilly apt - you are reacting to it EXACTLY as Bush is reacting to the real world.

Moskie 01-11-2007 12:31 PM

I can agree with you on that Ace. I would just clarify that the President should still bear more, if not most, of the responsibility, simply because he is commander in chief, and members of the House and Senate are not. I do not give members of Congress a free pass either. If I were to list the pros and cons of a particular congressmen, voting for the war would go in the "con" column. It is not irrelevant. But that has less bearing on my overall opinion of them, than it does with the commander in chief. Perhaps that is just a personal preference of mine.

See, I don't believe that engaging Iraq was, definitively, a bad idea. With proper international support and valid exit strategy, getting rid of Saddam and his government would be A Good Thing, for many reasons. But circumstances being what they were, we did not have those going into the war, which is where my disapproval stemmed from the start. But, Bush claimed he could do it, and Congress let him try. It was a political, financial, and diplomatic gamble for all involved, to say the least. And it might be one that has no winners.

The worst part of Bush's speech, though, was the fact that he did very little to convince anyone (or me, at least) that his plan had a probable chance of succeeding. I got the distinct impression that Bush was treating this as a last ditch effort, that could very well not work out. That scares me.

Willravel 01-11-2007 12:48 PM

Quote:

Originally Posted by host
Was the river in Egypt?

LOL :lol: :lol:

aceventura3 01-11-2007 12:55 PM

Quote:

Originally Posted by shakran
Mr. President? Is that you? You're ignoring the metaphorical waterfall, ignoring the safe alternatives, and continuing to advocate this nebulous goal, which you still haven't clearly defined and which, to stay with the metaphor, is drowning more and more people every day. Meanwhile the boat keeps hurtling toward the waterfall while you try to distract us from the roaring noise of our impending destruction.

When you come to a waterfall, you portage the canoe. As a team we row to shore, pickup the canoe and carry it to a point past the waterfall, put it back in the water and continue.

Quote:

This metaphor turned out to be extraordinarilly apt - you are reacting to it EXACTLY as Bush is reacting to the real world.
Thanks for the compliment.:D

Quote:

Originally Posted by dc_dux
Even assuming all the above is true (but I would characterize it as mostly bullshit),

I read this before from you. Perhaps you assume I spend my life in front of a computer, but like I said before, who cares. Personally I don't respond to what I think is bullshit. And I am getting better at ignoring personal attacks, but I have a ways to go. One improvement is that I no longer meet an attack with another. My mom would be proud.

Quote:

why would reasonable, intelligent people continue to "row" for a leader who misled them at every opportunity since before the invasion, mismanaged and mishandled...
If for no other reason, to get back to the car.:p

Willravel 01-11-2007 01:10 PM

Quote:

Originally Posted by aceventura3
When you come to a waterfall, you portage the canoe. As a team we row to shore, pickup the canoe and carry it to a point past the waterfall, put it back in the water and continue.

Gotcha, so leave Iraq together before it's too late, bypass Iraq, then go on with our business.

Rekna 01-11-2007 01:10 PM

http://skepdic.com/sunkcost.html
Quote:

sunk-cost fallacy

When one makes a hopeless investment, one sometimes reasons: I can’t stop now, otherwise what I’ve invested so far will be lost. This is true, of course, but irrelevant to whether one should continue to invest in the project. Everything one has invested is lost regardless. If there is no hope for success in the future from the investment, then the fact that one has already lost a bundle should lead one to the conclusion that the rational thing to do is to withdraw from the project.

To continue to invest in a hopeless project is irrational. Such behavior may be a pathetic attempt to delay having to face the consequences of one's poor judgment. The irrationality is a way to save face, to appear to be knowledgeable, when in fact one is acting like an idiot. For example, it is now known that Lyndon Johnson kept committing thousands and thousands of U.S. soldiers to Vietnam after he had determined that the cause was hopeless and that the U.S. could never defeat the Viet Cong.

This fallacy is also sometimes referred to as the Concorde fallacy, after the method of funding the supersonic transport jet jointly created by the governments of France and Britain. Despite the fact that the Concorde is beautiful and as safe as any other jet transport, it was very costly to produce and suffered some major marketing problems. There weren't many orders for the plane. Even though it was apparent there was no way this machine would make anybody any money, France and England kept investing deeper and deeper, much to the dismay of taxpayers in both countries.
In your analogy you have to continue because there is no way to leave, this is not the case with Iraq. We have methods to leave.

aceventura3 01-11-2007 01:11 PM

Quote:

Originally Posted by host
ace, the invasion of Iraq was a crime of aggressive war....

The victor of war determines its legality.
Winning a war requires aggression.

So what is your point, I don't get it.

Quote:

Originally Posted by willravel
Gotcha, so leave Iraq together before it's too late, bypass Iraq, then go on with our business.

Good one. Remind me to never go canoeing with you, we would get lost in the fog.

Quote:

Originally Posted by Rekna
http://skepdic.com/sunkcost.html


In your analogy you have to continue because there is no way to leave, this is not the case with Iraq. We have methods to leave.

Not true. The most efficient way to get back would be to row. She could have swam, walked, ran, hitchiked, etc, etc. The best way to end the war in Iraq is to defeat the enemy because they will not stop fighting until defeated. even if we left, their war against us would continue.

Moskie 01-11-2007 01:49 PM

So.. the fog represents... Iran? No, wait, it represent the Jews, yea that's it.


This is where using metaphors quickly turns absurd. Different aspects of it mean different things to different people, so we all run around ending at different conclusions, each of us thinking we won the game.

I say we talk about Iraq.

dc_dux 01-11-2007 01:53 PM

Quote:

The best way to end the war in Iraq is to defeat the enemy because they will not stop fighting until defeated. even if we left, their war against us would continue.
You and Bush may believe the notion that we must fight them there so that we dont have to fight them here, but the majority of the American people know better.

Most of death and destruction now occuring in Iraq is not the work of terrorists with broader goals of attacking the US - Gen. Casey testified to that effect recently, noting that only an estimated 10% of the "enemy" are "terrorists" from outside Iraq. The Sunni insurgents (former Baathists) are fighting for their survival, the Shia militias (particularly al Sadr and his 50,000+ armed Badr brigade) are fighing for absolute sectarian control...and our military forces are in the crossfire. Neither group have designs or ambitions to attack us at home.

And, according to an NIE earlier this year, our invasion created and our ongoing presence in Iraq continues to create more potential terrorists in other countries in the Middle East and Europe with growing ant-american sentiments and ambitions.

Sen Durbin expressed it best in his response to Bush:
Quote:

"At the end of October, President Bush told the American people, "Absolutely, we're winning the war in Iraq." He spoke those words near the end of the bloodiest month of 2006 for U.S. troops.

Tonight, President Bush acknowledged what most Americans know: We are not winning in Iraq, despite the courage and immense sacrifice of our military; indeed, the situation is grave and deteriorating.

The president's response to the challenge of Iraq is to send more American soldiers into the crossfire of the civil war that has engulfed that nation. Escalation of this war is not the change the American people called for in the last election. Instead of a new direction, the president's plan moves the American commitment in Iraq in the wrong direction. In ordering more troops to Iraq, the president is ignoring the strong advice of most of his own top generals. General John Abizaid, until recently the commanding general in Iraq and Afghanistan, said, and I quote, "More American forces prevent the Iraqis from doing more, from taking more responsibility for their own future."

Twenty thousand American soldiers are too few to end this civil war in Iraq, and too many American lives to risk on top of those we've already lost.

It's time for President Bush to face the reality of Iraq, and the reality is this: America has paid a heavy price. We have paid with the lives of more than 3,000 of our soldiers. We have paid with the sacrifice of our men and women in uniform, and we've paid with the hard-earned tax dollars of the families of America. And we have given the Iraqis so much. We have deposed their dictator. We dug him out of a hole in the ground and forced him to face the courts of his own people. We've given the Iraqi people a chance to draft their own constitution, hold their own free elections and establish their own government. We Americans and a few allies have protected Iraq when no one else would.

Now, in the fourth year of this war, it is time for the Iraqis to stand and defend their own nation. The government of Iraq must now prove that it will make the hard political decisions which will bring an end to this bloody civil war, disband the militias and death squads, create an environment of safety and opportunity for every Iraqi and begin to restore the basics of electricity and water and health care that define the quality of life.

The Iraqis must understand that they alone can lead their nation to freedom. They alone must meet the challenges that lie ahead. And they must know that every time they call 911, we are not going to send 20,000 more American soldiers.

As Congress considers our future course in Iraq, we remain committed on a bipartisan basis to providing our soldiers every resource they need to fight effectively and come home safely.

But it's time to begin the orderly redeployment of our troops so that they can begin coming home soon.

When the Iraqis understand that America is not giving an open- ended commitment of support, when they understand that our troops, indeed, are coming home, then they will understand the day has come to face their own responsibility to protect and defend their nation."
The majority of the American people want us out, an even larger majority of Iraqis want us out, and even a majority of our forces on the ground in Iraq now want us out (or dont belive a "surge" will help). So who is really in a fog?

Willravel 01-11-2007 01:54 PM

Quote:

Originally Posted by aceventura3
Good one. Remind me to never go canoeing with you, we would get lost in the fog.

Lost in the fog > hundreds of thousands dead...

But seriously, this canoing trip was made to finish the trip, but what if you clearly have no idea how to stop? What if it's clear to canoing experts that you never should have canoed in the first place, AND you have no idea how to canoe, AND people are losing their lives because of it?

roachboy 01-11-2007 02:20 PM

while the unfolding of the implications of the canoe trip analogy ace was kind enough to venture earlier seems a potential thread in itself, i wanted just to respond to the op for a minute...

i dont see anything wrong with debate--including often passionate-to-snippy debate--amongst folk about the course the present administration has embarked on in iraq. i have never understood--and still do not understand--anything about what i think is still best characterized as the busby berkley school of political debate-you know, "come on, kids, let's all pull together as a team and put on a really great musical..." as if:
(a) fundamental disagreement is somehow a problem in politics (it isnt)
(b) power in any meaningful way resides with the people in the united states (it doesnt) such that there is any direct correlation between what "the people" want and how political power is exercized. last night's new course speech from the Dear Leader would have been impossible were there any such connection, for example. it aint like that: we the people have indirect power one day every two years, and really one day every 4 years.
(c) there is no coherent notion of the "national will" that you can appeal to either in order to cement the argument that we all need to pull together in the same way in order to make of this wreckage a happy, shiny musical. democracies are characterized by the diversity of viewpoints--even a shallow one like the american version requires it if it is to be healthy. so i would think that vigorous debate would be understood as a hopeful sign in itself, even if it happens in spaces that could notbe more removed from actual power like this one.
(d) i have never been persuaded that there is any single agreed upon way to define what working in the common interest looks like. i would think that principled dissent IS a way of trying to work for the common interest. so from my viewpoint, the idea that we all need to hold hands and sway together in the same way around a campfire so that the whole edifice does not collapse is just narcissism. so i see no problem at all with any and all modes of opposition to the war in iraq, say--not in principle at least (the contents of actual arguments are what really matter in any event)--nor in principle do i have a particular problem with such support as there is for it--but i also have no hesitation to say that i think the folk who support this war are somewhere been misinformed and wrong--and i see nothing about that which would indicate one way or another whether i (or anyone else) did or did not want the best for the united states--where i live too--across such debates. there are simply disagreements about what constitites the best for this place, just as there are disagreements about how this place is as over against how it culd be, and how the world it dominates is as over against how it could be.

for myself, i simply do not accept that the present state of affairs is the best that we--or anyone--could do.
if by thinking that way in general, it means that in the eyes of some i do not want to participate in the higher calling of putting on a musical, then so be it: but that it a judgment that comes entirely from how the sentences are read, and so refers to the reader, rather than from any coherent understanding of how is intended when the sentences are written.

civility is another matter: another way of reading the op is as another call for civlity. same arguments as above could apply to this--there is no reason that civility should be used as a wedge to exclude positions, as if by saying x you are a priori not being civil. on the other hand, i think most who play here have found that it is more functional to take some of the edge off the posts we make from time to time. and that sometimes this editing is more successful than others. goes with the territory, i think.

my my, wasnt that fun?
yes, madge, it was fun.

dc_dux 01-11-2007 03:56 PM

Quote:

Originally Posted by aceventura3
I see the Iraqi war the same way. Democrats gave Bush the authority to use force. As soon as he did, they started bitching and complaining. The difference is that the bitching and complaining gives comfort to the enemy making things more difficult. At this point Democrats need to shut the f*** up and help row.

I wonder how many Republicans will not shut the f*** up and will join with the majority of the country and stop "rowing".
Quote:

Sen. Chuck Hagel (R-NE)
I think what the president said last night — and I listened carefully and read through it again this morning — is all about a broadened American involvement — escalation — in Iraq and the Middle East. I do not agree with that escalation.

And I would further note that when you say, as you have here this morning, that we need to address and help the Iraqis and pay attention to the fact that Iraqis are being killed, Madam Secretary, Iraqis are killing Iraqis. We are in a civil war. This is sectarian violence out of control; Iraqi on Iraqi.

Worst, it is inner-sectarian violence; Shia killing Shia.

To ask our young men and women to sacrifice their lives to be put in the middle of a civil war is wrong.

It’s, first of all, in my opinion, morally wrong. It’s tactically, strategically, militarily wrong.

So, Madam Secretary, when you set in motion the kind of policy that the president is talking about here, it’s very, very dangerous. As a matter of fact, I have to say, Madam Secretary, that I think this speech given last night by this president represents the most dangerous foreign policy blunder in this country since Vietnam — if it’s carried out.

I will resist it.
***
Sen. Norm Coleman (R, MN)
“[Coleman] said today after a two-day trip to Iraq that he would not support an increase in the number of soldiers in Baghdad. He said he would ’stand against’ any effort to send a surge of more troops to Baghdad unless there’s a clear vision that it will help end sectarian violence in the city. ‘I think it would create more targets. I think we would put more life at risk,’ he said.”
***
Sen. Kit Bond (R, MO)
“What good is that going to do? I have seen nothing so far that would push me to think a surge is a good idea.”
***
Sen. Susan Collins (R, ME)
“‘I don’t think the addition of new American troops in a situation plagued by sectarian strife is the answer,’ Collins said. ‘I think more American troops will present more American targets.’
***
Sen. Gordon Smith (R, OR)
“I, for one, am at the end of my rope when it comes to supporting a policy that has our soldiers patrolling the same streets in the same way being blown up by the same bombs day after day. That is absurd. It may even be criminal. I cannot support that any more. I believe we need to figure out not just how to leave Iraq but how to fight the War on Terror and to do it right.”
***
Sen. Olympia Snowe (R, ME)
“After almost a year, the Iraqi government has yet to disarm the militias, establish oil revenue sharing or conduct provincial elections,” said Sen. Olympia Snowe, a Republican, in an e-mailed statement.
Snowe added: “We should not place more American servicemen and women in harm’s way to instill a peace that the Iraqis are not willing to seek for themselves.”
***
Sen. George Voinovich (R, OH)
“At this point I am skeptical that a surge in troops alone will bring an end to sectarian violence and the insurgency that is fomenting instability in Iraq,” Voinovich said. “The generals who have served there do not believe additional troops alone will help. And my faith in Prime Minister al-Maliki’s political will to make the hard choices necessary to bring about a political solution is fragile at best.
***
Sen. John Warner (R, VA)
“An ‘undefined surge concept is one that I would have to see a lot of strong rationale before I could support it,’ said Sen. John Warner, R-Va., the former Senate Armed Services Committee chairman. ...the former chairman also paraphrased the testimony of Army Gen. John Abizaid, the commander of all U.S. forces in the region, before the committee last November, stating that the general did not believe that additional U.S. troops in Iraq would necessarily help the situation on the ground.”
Perhaps the "rowing" should be more aptly described as "flapping their arms in the wind", risking more American lives and getting nowhere

"The answer, my friend, is blowing in the wind"

mixedmedia 01-11-2007 04:03 PM

Quote:

Originally Posted by roachboy
i have never understood--and still do not understand--anything about what i think is still best characterized as the busby berkley school of political debate-you know, "come on, kids, let's all pull together as a team and put on a really great musical..."

I've seen you make that reference before and I assumed you were talking about some great kaleidoscopic political distraction, that when one had the curiosity to examine more closely, turned out to be just a bunch of rather cut-rate looking showgirls, errrr, I mean, politicians lying on the floor and moving their arms and legs around.

But seriously, I don't think the opinion that we should pull together to find a workable solution to the quagmire in Iraq necessarily means being cheerleaders for Bush & co. I certainly am not. But I also believe that we have a vested interest in, no, I'm starting to hate that word - interest, we have a responsibility for the future of Iraq that we didn't have before. And it's not going to go away even if we pulled all of our troops out tomorrow. I'm of the opinion that "unilaterally" pulling our troops out of Iraq would be just as damaging to us and to our reputation as our invasion has been. And I'm not at all at ease with the idea of abandoning them to decades of intractable civil war. This shouldn't be an easy bit of mathematics for any liberal. It is not only an American "hot-button" political issue. To treat it like it is also a narcissistic exercise in one-dimensional navel-gazing. Don't get me wrong, I believe there should be debate and, fuck yes, passionate debate! But I also think people should strive to break free from their ideological and political constraints - often and with great courage. :)

aceventura3 01-11-2007 04:04 PM

Quote:

Originally Posted by dc_dux
You and Bush may believe the notion that we must fight them there so that we dont have to fight them here, but the majority of the American people know better.

Most of death and destruction now occuring in Iraq is not the work of terrorists with broader goals of attacking the US - Gen. Casey testified to that effect recently, noting that only an estimated 10% of the "enemy" are "terrorists" from outside Iraq. The Sunni insurgents (former Baathists) are fighting for their survival, the Shia militias (particularly al Sadr and his 50,000+ armed Badr brigade) are fighing for absolute sectarian control...and our military forces are in the crossfire. Neither group have designs or ambitions to attack us at home.

The CIA in '05 reported on the problem in a manner on the surface supports the position that our presence has exacerbated the problem. I am not sure where you stand, either Iraq is or is not the central point in the war on terror. In my view Iraq is attracting those who want to make war against the western world not creating them. If Iraq is the central point, Iraq is a problem and we need to be there. If Iraq is not the central point for the war on terror, I agree we have made a grave error.

Quote:

President Bush has frequently described the Iraq war as an integral part of U.S. efforts to combat terrorism. But the council's report suggests the conflict has also helped terrorists by creating a haven for them in the chaos of war.

"At the moment," NIC Chairman Robert L. Hutchings said, Iraq "is a magnet for international terrorist activity.
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn...2005Jan13.html

Quote:

And, according to an NIE earlier this year, our invasion created and our ongoing presence in Iraq continues to create more potential terrorists in other countries in the Middle East and Europe with growing ant-american sentiments and ambitions.
I ask the question, why would that be true? Have you wondered the same? Personally I think we have attempted to handle this conflict in the best possible way. Are we hated because we fight for the freedom of others as well as our own? Are we hated because we removed an evil dictator? Are we hated because we support Isreal?

Quote:

Sen Durbin expressed it best in his response to Bush:
Sen Durbin wants to re-deploy the troops, or bring them back home. I do to. I want to do it after we get Iraq under control. Under no circumstances do I want to leave the impression that we left Iraq unwilling to confront the chaos and the civil war we are in-part responsible for, I agree with Powel - we broke it, we must fix it.



Quote:

The majority of the American people want us out,
Just for the record. No one wants to be involved in a war. However, those of us who support the war in Iraq see it as somthing that needs to be done. In my view we will fight the war 1,000 times if we pretend we are not at war, or we will fight it once. We failed in the first Gulf War because we did not finish the fight, I hope we don't make the same mistake again.

Quote:

an even larger majority of Iraqis want us out,
Who is doing surveys of what the people in Iraq want? We do know about the millions who participated in the formation of their government. I don't doubt that they want us out and that they want peace. I bet the response to the "survey" would be based on how the questions were asked.

Quote:

and even a majority of our forces on the ground in Iraq now want us out (or dont belive a "surge" will help).
There can be only one commander-in-chief. Again, a man or woman away from home, family and friends, if asked, would obviously want to come home. Again, I bet the way the question is asked would determine the tone of the response.

Quote:

So who is really in a fog?
I am. I can admit this is a complicated issue with no easy answers. If everything is clear to you - you have my compliments, and I suggest you use your talents to help lead the way.

dc_dux 01-11-2007 04:14 PM

I am using my talents by not shutting the f*** up. :).

To suggest such a solution ("At this point Democrats need to shut the f*** up and help row") is anti-democratic and stiffles a healthy debate.

Willravel 01-11-2007 04:19 PM

Quote:

Originally Posted by aceventura3
I ask the question, why would that be true? Have you wondered the same? Personally I think we have attempted to handle this conflict in the best possible way. Are we hated because we fight for the freedom of others as well as our own? Are we hated because we removed an evil dictator? Are we hated because we support Isreal?

We are hated for a shitload of stuff going back for generations. Basically, we are hated for mass murder and colonialism, but it's a lot more complicated in reality. It should be made clear, though, that we are not now, nor have we ever fought for the freedom of the Iraqi civilians. We are not there to help them. I hope that was made clear as Bagdad burned in the bullshit "Shock and Awe campaign", as civilian's homes were broken into night after night with no warrant, as the civilians in Falujah were burned alive with illegal white phospherous.

We, actually meaning the US government and military, are hated because we have never been anything but an enemy to these people. We make promises of freedom and help them fight their wars, while all along using them and not actually helping them at all. As we supplied Iraq and Iran with weapons and intel to be used against each other, we ewre simply using them for our own ends, to the detriment of stability in the ME and the loss of so many lives.
Quote:

Originally Posted by aceventura3
Just for the record. No one wants to be involved in a war. However, those of us who support the war in Iraq see it as somthing that needs to be done. In my view we will fight the war 1,000 times if we pretend we are not at war, or we will fight it once. We failed in the first Gulf War because we did not finish the fight, I hope we don't make the same mistake again.

That's not actually true. The PNAC were planning a war of aggression years ahead of time, and had every intention of starting that war despite what the intelligence community was ACTUALLY saying at the time. When you handpick evidence and trust untrustworthy sources to start a war, it's clear that you actually WANT a war.
Quote:

Originally Posted by aceventura3
There can be only one commander-in-chief. Again, a man or woman away from home, family and friends, if asked, would obviously want to come home. Again, I bet the way the question is asked would determine the tone of the response.

Actually, we'd function a lot better without the office of president. Yes, it's important to have a figurehead, but giving one man that much power is a foolish thing to do. That any one man can declair war is madness. I don't recognise Bush as president, anyway, as I've seen enough evidence to be certian that the 200 election was stolen. Unfortunately, Inconvenient Al was not hungry enough and we've all suffered.

aceventura3 01-11-2007 04:26 PM

Quote:

Originally Posted by dc_dux
I wonder how many Republicans will not shut the f*** up and will join with the majority of the country and stop "rowing".

My position won't change. I would say the same about Republicans. Republincan's don't have the same history and level of hypocracy as do Democrats. If this was just a question of debating troop levels, I would join the debate on that subject, but we are still debating being in the war.

Quote:

Perhaps the "rowing" should be more aptly described as "flapping their arms in the wind", risking more American lives and getting nowhere

"The answer, my friend, is blowing in the wind"
I really don't respect Democratic leadership wanting to wait for poll results before laying out a specific alternative to Bush's plan. Given the circumstances why haven't they started their hearings? Is there anything more imortant today, right now?

Quote:

Originally Posted by dc_dux
To suggest such a solution ("At this point Democrats need to shut the f*** up and help row") is anti-democratic and stiffles a healthy debate.

Only the weak minded would be stiffled by my comment. However, wise people know when to row and know when to talk.

dc_dux 01-11-2007 04:32 PM

Quote:

Originally Posted by mixedmedia

But seriously, I don't think the opinion that we should pull together to find a workable solution to the quagmire in Iraq necessarily means being cheerleaders for Bush & co. I certainly am not. But I also believe that we have a vested interest in, no, I'm starting to hate that word - interest, we have a responsibility for the future of Iraq that we didn't have before. And it's not going to go away even if we pulled all of our troops out tomorrow. I'm of the opinion that "unilaterally" pulling our troops out of Iraq would be just as damaging to us and to our reputation as our invasion has been. And I'm not at all at ease with the idea of abandoning them to decades of intractable civil war. This shouldn't be an easy bit of mathematics for any liberal. It is not only an American "hot-button" political issue. To treat it like it is also a narcissistic exercise in one-dimensional navel-gazing. Don't get me wrong, I believe there should be debate and, fuck yes, passionate debate! But I also think people should strive to break free from their ideological and political constraints - often and with great courage. :)

Absolutely. I agree we have a moral obligation that requires something other than pulling out unilaterally, just not more of the same failed tactics and strategies. IMO, we should be working diplomatically much more aggressively and with much greater urgency to bring the regional powers (Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Jordan, and even Iran/Syria) in to create a "stabilizing force" under the auspices of the Arab League to replace US forces.

If we had skilled diplomats and not ideologues conducting our diplomacy, (ie, someone like Colin Powell who was fired for not being an ideologue), perhaps we could convince them that it is in the interest of every country in the region to remove the US face of occupation...and we can begin to draw down in the coming months as they take our place, with limited US forces to continue training the Iraqis.

Quote:

wise people know when to row and know when to talk.
Wise people know when to hold 'em and know when to fold 'em

And btw, the Dems started hearings today. It was reasonable and respectful to wait for the President to present his "plan" as Commander in Chief, and the self-admitted person responsible for the failures to-date.

Willravel 01-11-2007 05:31 PM

Quote:

Originally Posted by aceventura3
Only the weak minded would be stiffled by my comment. However, wise people know when to row and know when to talk.

Only the wise are trying to row towards the shore.

Confucius say, "The weak minded canoer rows hardest before the waterfall."

mixedmedia 01-11-2007 06:21 PM

Quote:

Originally Posted by dc_dux
Absolutely. I agree we have a moral obligation that requires something other than pulling out unilaterally, just not more of the same failed tactics and strategies. IMO, we should be working diplomatically much more aggressively and with much greater urgency to bring the regional powers (Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Jordan, and even Iran/Syria) in to create a "stabilizing force" under the auspices of the Arab League to replace US forces.

If we had skilled diplomats and not ideologues conducting our diplomacy, (ie, someone like Colin Powell who was fired for not being an ideologue), perhaps we could convince them that it is in the interest of every country in the region to remove the US face of occupation...and we can begin to draw down in the coming months as they take our place, with limited US forces to continue training the Iraqis.

I agree with you. We should be making much more effort in engaging regional resources in Iraq. And I'd go so far as to say especially Iran and Syria. If we can come away from this fiasco with Iraq being at least on the road to being a better, freer, more democratic nation than it was when we entered it AND engage Iran and Syria in the making of it? Pish, that would be just the kind of unbelievably ironic scenario that just might make the initial nightmare...not worth it...can't think of the word...politically salvagable. Although that's not it, either. Maybe you get my drift. I understand the push for and the efficacy of democratizing the middle east. And it's not all about the finite resource of OIL. It's also about security, not just for us, but for our whole little world, too. And if you are concerned about human rights, you don't have to look far to see that it is about human rights, too. It's about opportunity. It's about the global marketplace and free and open access to it. Not only the rich benefit from these things.

Ahhhh, but I tend to get all teary-eyed and optimistic about these things. But I want it to turn out as well as possible for the people it really matters to. No matter whose legacy will benefit from it.

Which brings up another thing. GWB & friends only have two years left in the White House. After that, this mess is going to be left up to somebody else to fix. If it's going to be the Democrats, well, that's a pretty daunting challenge for us to face (I am still a registered Democrat, after all :p ). And I will be pretty dismayed if we spend the following four years pointing our fingers at GW's back...just like the conservatives did with Clinton like...yesterday, for crying out loud. :rolleyes:

I want answers, goddammit! Do the Democrats have them?

ratbastid 01-11-2007 07:01 PM

Quote:

Originally Posted by aceventura3
Thanks for the compliment.:D

That's the thing, right there. I couldn't help but notice, today, that the poll numbers indicate strongly that the "surge" has the same percentage of support as Bush's current approval rating. Guess what: it's the same people!

My theory is, either you're in the 27-30% of American who think that because you're an Ammurkin, you owe fealty to your Pres'dent, who's out being macho and fighting the terrists, or you know that patriotism calls for something more than blind obedience, and you give the president and his policies the skepticism that is their due.

Re the OP: I decline to participate in the delusion that the nation of my citizenship requires my support of the current holder of "the office of President". I have plenty of respect for the office--enough that I want this bumbling jingoistic frat boy OUT of it. One question: did you feel that way when Clinton was in office?

dksuddeth 01-11-2007 08:05 PM

not sure who's trying to fool who, but anyone with a brain should realize that this country is dead. It is not the USA that was created by the revolutionary war. It is not the country that existed prior to the civil war. Hell, it's not even the country that existed after the civil war. The socialists/communists have won. freedom is dead. quit your bitching and revel in the downfall most of you helped to create.

shakran 01-11-2007 08:54 PM

yeah, we get it dks, you can't have a tank so we've destroyed the bill of rights and freedom has been flushed down the toilet. That's getting old, to be honest.

as far as answers, mixedmedia, there are no good answers. This situation is unwinnable. We pull out, we're screwed. We stay there, we're screwed. Fact is, Bush has gotten us into one HELL of a mess, and there is absolutely NO course of action we can take at this point that will be palatable.

Given that, we should leave. Now. We can't do any good there, at least we can save a few soldier's lives.

Willravel 01-11-2007 08:58 PM

Quote:

Originally Posted by dksuddeth
not sure who's trying to fool who, but anyone with a brain should realize that this country is dead. It is not the USA that was created by the revolutionary war. It is not the country that existed prior to the civil war. Hell, it's not even the country that existed after the civil war. The socialists/communists have won. freedom is dead. quit your bitching and revel in the downfall most of you helped to create.

So Bush is a socialist, eh?

DK, all gun debates aside, what you just said makes absolutely no sense and is frighteningly similar to what McCarthy would say if he were alive today. Communism fell in the former Soviet Union 20 years ago. Democracy ultimately lost when capitolism was embraced, but where we are now is the opposite of socialism. If you want to see a more socialist democracy in action, one only needs to look north. The socalists, like myself, have lost time and again, but we still believe that we can exist as a higher and more altruistic society and we push so hard. I know that socalism won't really take root here for a while, but I'm willing to wait and do what I can to help in the meintime. The funny thing is, as bad as things get, most people are onestly good. Lazy, sure. Complacent, probably. People ultimately want to do the right thing.

The socalists and communists are a fringe part of the democratic party, and a majority of the green party....so how could they possibly have won anything?

dc_dux 01-11-2007 09:09 PM

Quote:

Originally Posted by dksuddeth
not sure who's trying to fool who, but anyone with a brain should realize that this country is dead.

dk:

You would not be just a nuffin'
Your head all full of stuffin'
Your heart so full of pain.
You would dance and be merry
Life would be a ding-a-derry
If you only had a brain...;)

...and the vision to support, (in response to MM's quest for solutions from Democrats)....

...A Statement of Principles and a Policy Agenda for the 21st Century from the Democratic Leadership Council - the centrist Democrats.

http://www.ndol.org/upload_graphics/bp39-dlc-box.jpg
link

(yeah, yeah, I know its just more socialist/communist american-destroying propaganda to you, DK)

dksuddeth 01-12-2007 02:01 AM

It has alot more to do with the whole way the constitution is now 'interpreted', than just the 2nd Amendment, so back off the notion that I'm bitching that I can't have a tank, etc.

In the early 1930's the new deal democrats in congress did more than stretch the limitations of power that the constitution gives them. They convinced the USSC to accept that interstate commerce also includes anything that affects interstate commerce, including intrastate commerce OR any activity that has a 'substantial effect' on interstate commerce. They also imbued themselves with the power of not having to show any cause or correlation that interstate commerce is affected, just make the claim that it is. That is why a once limited federal government is as bloated and cancerous as it is today.....and it's been that way for so long now most people just accept that this is the way that it is.

Look at bill of rights cases in the last 70 years compared to what they were in the 18th and early 19th century cases. The individuals rights are no longer protected, except for freedom of speech. That little puppy gets alot of attention but is catered to because it makes people 'feel' like they have freedom still, but the rest are ALWAYS judged on how much compelling government interest OR how much societal benefit is garnered by infringing on the individual rights. Look at Kelo v. New London....or almost ALL eminent domain cases. Police power is practically unlimited and nearly unaccountable for any infringements of civil rights. The supremacy clause is used dozens of times a year to deny just compensation or redress of grievances to the citizens, who are the ones that the constitution was designed to protect and empower.

No, the socialists and communists have indeed won because nearly all of you resignedly accept that monopolistic practices of a government run amok and are not only unwilling to change it by vote, but do nearly all you can to keep the parasites in power.

As for 'centrists', that just means that they are a whole new group whose sole purpose is to get you to agree that the individuals rights matter less than society as a whole by using 'moderate' as a compromise.

shakran 01-12-2007 06:04 AM

dks, to be totally blunt, that's a load of crap. Socialists have lost. Period. Capitalism has won. The corporation is the only thing that matters now. Corporations can get away with just about anything as long as they make money at it. Everyone likes to get down on Enron -their real crime? Not making money. Hiding it is what got them in trouble. Haliburton is so evil as to make Enron look like a fairy tale, but they haven't been stopped or even impeded. Why? Because they make money.

I don't see how you can sit there and say the republicans have done so much better when, since Reagan first got his hand in the country, corporations have been moving more and more toward total domination of society.

Small businesses can't make it because the corporations are too huge. If you want employment and you're not lucky enough to have started a unique business for which there is no competition, you have to work for a corporation where you're expected to give everything you have to the neglect of your personal time, your family, and even your health. Yet that loyalty is not returned - the corporation will cast you adrift in a heartbeat if they think they can be more profitable (even just in the short term) without you.

There are countless stories of executives and middle managers who once had a solidly middle class lifestyle and did their best for their corporate masters - and are now working menial jobs at Home Depot and Walmart just to get by because they were "downsized."

I guarantee you this dks - you can take this to the bank. The current system of capitalism is not sustainable. A revolution is coming - it's just a question of when - and the longer it takes to get here, the worse it's gonna be when it does.

Reagan kicked off the idea that it would be terribly fun to widen the gap between rich and not-rich. Now it's a yawning chasm - that's simply not sustainable. Eventually the poor and middle class will be fed up with watching the country's elite spend more money in a day than they make in a year while they worry about having enough money to buy groceries. Eventually that anger will reach a breaking point. It's happened before (the French revolution comes to mind) and it will happen again, I guarantee it.

dksuddeth 01-12-2007 06:23 AM

Quote:

Originally Posted by shakran
dks, to be totally blunt, that's a load of crap. Socialists have lost. Period. Capitalism has won. The corporation is the only thing that matters now. Corporations can get away with just about anything as long as they make money at it. Everyone likes to get down on Enron -their real crime? Not making money. Hiding it is what got them in trouble. Haliburton is so evil as to make Enron look like a fairy tale, but they haven't been stopped or even impeded. Why? Because they make money.

I don't see how you can sit there and say the republicans have done so much better when, since Reagan first got his hand in the country, corporations have been moving more and more toward total domination of society.

A couple of things you have wrong here. I have NEVER said that the republicans have done much better than anyone else. They may have done less damage, but only slightly. Also, what we have today is not capitalism, unless you wish to redefine capitalism. If people still wish to deny that what we have is fascism, well they can deny all they want, but thats still what we have. The socialists changed so much of the united states until Reagan that they won. The only thing that the republicans have done is alter the new deal to benefit big business, which still isn't capitalism.

Quote:

Originally Posted by shakran
Small businesses can't make it because the corporations are too huge. If you want employment and you're not lucky enough to have started a unique business for which there is no competition, you have to work for a corporation where you're expected to give everything you have to the neglect of your personal time, your family, and even your health. Yet that loyalty is not returned - the corporation will cast you adrift in a heartbeat if they think they can be more profitable (even just in the short term) without you.

There are countless stories of executives and middle managers who once had a solidly middle class lifestyle and did their best for their corporate masters - and are now working menial jobs at Home Depot and Walmart just to get by because they were "downsized."

Trickle down economics would have been a great economy booster, had it been limited to a very short term...much like the new deal. patents and intellectual property laws were abused to the point of isolating a specific industry to benefit just a few. That is the fault of both parties. Blame the new deal for fostering big business to get people working. Blame this new fascism for putting profit on the stock market and hampering small business.

Quote:

Originally Posted by shakran
I guarantee you this dks - you can take this to the bank. The current system of capitalism is not sustainable. A revolution is coming - it's just a question of when - and the longer it takes to get here, the worse it's gonna be when it does.

Reagan kicked off the idea that it would be terribly fun to widen the gap between rich and not-rich. Now it's a yawning chasm - that's simply not sustainable. Eventually the poor and middle class will be fed up with watching the country's elite spend more money in a day than they make in a year while they worry about having enough money to buy groceries. Eventually that anger will reach a breaking point. It's happened before (the French revolution comes to mind) and it will happen again, I guarantee it.

how will this revolution be attained? sticks and stones? what will happen when your property is taken away to increase a tax base? what will you do when your living area will be searched for anything illegal, at will? No revolution will happen if people do not have the means.

dc_dux 01-12-2007 06:26 AM

Quote:

It has alot more to do with the whole way the constitution is now 'interpreted',
dk....the founding fathers knowingingly and wisely drafted a Constitution in very general terms leaving it open to future interpretation to meet changing and evolving nature of the country.

The Supreme Court's power of "judicial review" was confirmed in 1803, when it was invoked by Chief Justice John Marshall in Marbury v. Madison. In this decision, the Chief Justice asserted that the Supreme Court's responsibility to overturn unconstitutional legislation was a necessary consequence of its sworn duty to uphold the Constitution. That oath could not be fulfilled any other way. "It is emphatically the province of the judicial department to say what the law is," he declared.

As Marshall also noted in McCulloch v. Maryland, a constitution that attempted to detail every aspect of its own application "would partake of the prolixity of a legal code, and could scarcely be embraced by the human mind . . . . Its nature, therefore, requires that only its great outlines should be marked, its important objects designated and minor ingredients which compose those objects be deduced from the nature of the objects themselves."

What it comes down to is that the interpretation in 20th and 21st century American may be more expansive than in the 19th century....a natural progression envisioned by the founding fathers.

But decisions that you dont agree with are hardly a communists/socialist plot. While many basic interpretations of Constitutional rights stand the test of time, a 19th century interpretation of a more complex 21st century law or government action, which you seem to suggest is the correct role of the Court, would be as irrelevant and irresponsibile as it is ignorant.

shakran 01-12-2007 06:52 AM

Quote:

Originally Posted by dksuddeth
I have NEVER said that the republicans have done much better than anyone else. They may have done less damage, but only slightly.

Alright, I'll give you that, my apologies.

Quote:

Also, what we have today is not capitalism, unless you wish to redefine capitalism.
Yes, it is. The almighty dollar is the only thing that matters. That's capitalism in a nutshell.

Quote:

If people still wish to deny that what we have is fascism, well they can deny all they want, but thats still what we have.
Considering you still haven't managed to point us to a definition of fascism that differs enough from it's actual definition to make your point valid, I'm gonna go ahead and call BS on that one.

Quote:

The socialists changed so much of the united states until Reagan that they won. The only thing that the republicans have done is alter the new deal to benefit big business, which still isn't capitalism.
Socialism and big business are not generally used in the same sentence - at least not without a derisive snort.

Quote:

Trickle down economics would have been a great economy booster, had it been limited to a very short term
If trickle down economics would have worked at all (it wouldn't, it's inherently flawed) it would have had to be instituted more than short term, because it would take awhile for that wealth to trickle down to the masses. Of course, the fact that it simply cannot work, at all, ever, makes all of this moot.

Quote:

...much like the new deal. patents and intellectual property laws were abused to the point of isolating a specific industry to benefit just a few. That is the fault of both parties. Blame the new deal for fostering big business to get people working.
The new deal got people jobs. Twisting that idea into allowing corporations to get away with damn near anything was never part of the new deal.

Quote:

Blame this new fascism
It's not fascism. Go get a dictionary.

Quote:

for putting profit on the stock market and hampering small business.
If you think the problem stops at the stock market, you've got another think coming. It's corporate greed, plain and simple. Look, if we're going purely on stock performance, then we don't have to pay the CEO hundreds of millions of dollars - - no, the CEO is screwing over the little guy because it means he gets one more mansion.

Quote:

how will this revolution be attained? sticks and stones?
Pure economics. Used to be laborers were vastly underpaid and overworked. Then they got together and formed unions. That's coming for the white collar workers as well - - it's the only way for them to survive.

Quote:

what will happen when your property is taken away to increase a tax base?
What do you mean WHEN? It's already happening. Eminent domain has turned into "we'll steal your land and give it to the highest bidder."

Quote:

what will you do when your living area will be searched for anything illegal, at will?
That has absolutely nothing to do with the topic at hand.

Quote:

No revolution will happen if people do not have the means.
OK fine, you want people to have guns. Stop bringing EVERY thread around to that, it's old and annoying. I'm not even going to address it here because, again, it has nothing to do with this topic.



I'll tell you how government can stop this mass downsizing trend that's destroying the middle class. Pass a two-fronted legislation requiring unemployment benefits for at least a decade after you downsize someone, and requiring large companies to extend the same benefits to independent contractors as they do to regular employees. Remove the profitability of treating people like chattel, and the corporations will stop doing it. It's a whole lot cheaper to keep that well trained worker on than it is to pay his salary for 10 years AND pay the guy in India who took over his job.

Legislation taxing the holy crap out of imported labor would also help - I'm thinking a variable tax based on the gap between the US worker and his foreign replacement. If your US worker made $20 an hour, and your 3rd world worker makes $1, then the tax is $19 an hour. Remove the profit from the unpalatable activities, and they'll magically stop.

Willravel 01-12-2007 09:18 AM

Bottom line, to end this threadjack, the US is not even close to being socialist in any way. Suggesting so shows a massive misunderstanding of both socialism and the world around us. Also, this thread has nothing to do with guns. How would you like it if I brought up the 9/11 conspiracy in every thread?

Chimera 01-15-2007 02:55 AM

Quote:

Originally Posted by shakran
........

as far as answers, mixedmedia, there are no good answers. This situation is unwinnable. We pull out, we're screwed. We stay there, we're screwed. Fact is, Bush has gotten us into one HELL of a mess, and there is absolutely NO course of action we can take at this point that will be palatable.

Given that, we should leave. Now. We can't do any good there, at least we can save a few soldier's lives.


And, There it is.....dont you just hate it when reality gets Ugly?

desal75 01-15-2007 06:58 AM

I guess a lot depends on what you might consider palatable.

shakran 01-15-2007 07:11 AM

Quote:

Originally Posted by desal75
I guess a lot depends on what you might consider palatable.


Well, ok, if you consider it palatable to have killed tens of thousands of innocent Iraqis and over 3,000 Americans in pursuit of an illegal war that the president had to lie to get us in to. . . I guess we'll just have to disagree.

If you consider it palatable to now be faced with the reality that absolutely nothing can prevent an Iraqi civil war, and probably nothing can prevent a regional war in the Persian Gulf, we'll have to disagree there as well.

ratbastid 01-15-2007 07:19 AM

Quote:

Originally Posted by aceventura3
My position won't change. I would say the same about Republicans. Republincan's don't have the same history and level of hypocracy as do Democrats. If this was just a question of debating troop levels, I would join the debate on that subject, but we are still debating being in the war.

I really don't respect Democratic leadership wanting to wait for poll results before laying out a specific alternative to Bush's plan. Given the circumstances why haven't they started their hearings? Is there anything more imortant today, right now?

NOW you're thinking like George!

What you've said here is: My opinion is right, and won't ever change. Others who disagree with me are wrong, and are hypocrites, and probably bad people. And I have no respect for elected representatives who are actually interested in their constituents' views--especially not when 70-odd percent of those constituents disagree with me. Better things keep going the disastrous way they're going (in fact, let's pour some gas on the fire), because I believe in it without any evidence or support or rationale for that belief.

Even Bush admitted errors this week. Can you really be so narrow-minded?

desal75 01-15-2007 07:51 AM

Shakran, if only the world were that black and white.

I deeply wish literally every political decision in this country didn't come down to party lines.

mixedmedia 01-15-2007 08:08 AM

Quote:

Originally Posted by Chimera
And, There it is.....dont you just hate it when reality gets Ugly?

Other than your possibly being right
I'm still uncomfortable when our resignation becomes trite ;)

I'm not at all sure that there is nothing we can do to secure a more functional and secure Iraq.

And quite frankly (I say to no one in particular), us losing military personnel doesn't even enter into the equation of whether we should leave or not. Granted, that is just my opinion, but I find discussions of how many US soldiers we're losing to be distasteful considering what is happening in Iraq now. I think we're all familiar with the casualty numbers. Not to mention that many of the people who would be able to contribute to the maintenance of a functioning, healthy society are either dead or have fled the country with their families. We are responsible for it now. I can't settle for the purely political "republicans did it, it's not our problem now" point of view. I can't wrap my head around that kind of aloofness.

shakran 01-15-2007 08:25 AM

I don't have that viewpoint Mixed. I mean, yes, Republicans did it, and they were dumbasses for doing it, but that doesn't mean we can ignore the problem.

However, if we stay the country will degenerate into years of bloody civil war.

If we leave the country will degenerate into years of bloody civil war.

there is NO way to prevent the civil war. None. At all. It's like a tire fire. Once it gets going, you are NOT going to put it out. It will burn until it's out of fuel. You have 2 choices. Send your firefighters in where they might get hurt and inhale toxic fumes, and do absolutely nothing towards getting the fire out, or pull 'em back and just watch it burn. Either way, the result in the tire pile is the same, but the 2nd option at least lets you preserve the life and health of your firefighters.

Iraq is no different. We've sparked the conflagration. It's going to happen. Nothing will stop it. Why not at least pull our guys back so they don't get hurt any more than they already have?

The parallels of this war to Vietnam are becoming more obvious every day. Back then we said "oh we can't pull out, what will they do without us," and it was only when people finally realized that the country was sunk with or without us that we finally pulled out.

The fact is that when we stick our nose in where it doesn't belong, bad things happen - especially if we let incompetent boobs that couldn't even lead a kid to the crapper take charge.

And now not only does Mr. Bush want to stay in Iraq where we will do precisely no good, he wants to move on to Iran as well. This insanity has got to stop some time - it may as well be now.


Oh, and desal75, if you're going to make fun little snips at what those of us in this thread have to say, perhaps you should come out with an opinion of your own. These little quips frankly make you look more like a troll than a debater. If you think I'm seeing the world black and white then please, by all means, educate me. Show me where the grey is.

If you think it all depends on what I call palatable, then give us your definition of palatable and tell us your solution.

Otherwise you're just taking useless pot shots which might work on Fark, but around here, we're not very impressed by it.

dc_dux 01-15-2007 09:24 AM

Quote:

The parallels of this war to Vietnam are becoming more obvious every day. .
I think the parallels have become more like Bosnia, but sectarian rather than ethnic. As the violence and ethnic cleansing became unbearable in the fomer Repub of Yugoslavia, all parties, including the US, realized that there was no military solution and only diplomatic and political solutions could bring peace.

And thus, the Datyon accords:
Quote:

On Nov. 21, 1995, after 21 days of intensive negotiations at an anything-but-luxurious American Air Force base in Dayton, Ohio, the three Bosnian leaders initialed a peace agreement and 11 annexes, known as the Dayton accords, to try to bring an end to nearly four years of terror and killing in the former Yugoslavia. About 250,000 people died and another 2.7 million were turned into refugees.

The accords went into effect when the leaders -- Alijia Izetbegovic of Bosnia, Franjo Tudjman of Croatia and Slobodan Milosevic of Serbia -- formally signed the pact in Paris on Dec. 14. NATO troops known as the Implementation Force, or IFOR, took over from United Nations troops in Bosnia on Dec. 20, known as "D-day," starting the clock on a series of deadlines running for a year and bringing some 60,000 NATO troops, nearly 20,000 of them American, to keep the peace in Bosnia.

http://www.nytimes.com/specials/bosn...xt/dayton.html

The Dayton Peace Accords
Twenty-one days of negotiations and they came to a workable solution.

It could work in Iraq, with the only difference being to minimize the US role and face in the process and let Sunnis and Shia, through the Arab League, conduct the negotiations and replace US forces with an Arab Implementatin force.

Its hardly a perfect solution, but IMO, more likely to lead to the cessation of sectarian violence then adding more US troops and maintaing a US occupation.

Before anyone laughs it off, I do recognize that al Queda and other outside terrorists now in Iraq, although small in number, are not open to peace negotations. But they can be marginalized if the US presence is removed and the Iraq people and regional powers (Saudis and Egypt putting political pressure on Iran) demonstrate a commitment to route them out.

The result would be providing for three self-governed regions in Iraq, under a loose central government. The current Iraq was a creation of western geo-political colonialiism. Its time to give it up.

mixedmedia 01-15-2007 09:45 AM

Quote:

Originally Posted by shakran
I don't have that viewpoint Mixed. I mean, yes, Republicans did it, and they were dumbasses for doing it, but that doesn't mean we can ignore the problem.

Thank you for clarifying your point of view, shakran. I didn't want to point fingers and accuse you of the crime of lassitude. :)

But that said, I do believe there is a measure of that attitude behind the popular pressure for an immediate withdrawal from Iraq. I've grown quite skeptical of the political imperatives of both parties on this issue. Surprise! :p

Your tire fire analogy is very compelling. I'm just not sure we are dealing with a conflagration out of control, yet. I'm just not sure.

roachboy 01-15-2007 09:51 AM

there might be a way out of the iraq mess via an internationalization of the conflict. the americans would have to recognize that there is no way out FOR THEM because they are and have been from the outset--that is from the invasion--a party within the civil war.

jacques chirac proposed an international congress of some unspecified type that would address these problems last week: i started a thread about it, which went nowhere.
one option would be the un.
another would be something like a congress of vienna, i dont know: but the idea seems far more likely to actually accomplish something positive in iraq than any of the options that are on the table right now--i understand that something like this is an element of biden's plan for iraq as well.

what i see as the primary obstable to this is that from the far right/neocon viewpoint occupied by the bush people, any such internationalization of the conflict would be tantamount to defeat. so the primary obstacle is the hyper-nationalism of the bush administration, the neocon "realism" that remains intact (even after its obvious pulverization by events)---from the start, i have thought that the best document for thinking about the rationale behind the invasion was the project for a new american century website: if you look at it, it is clear that this iraq war is about the first iraq war and the Problem was less saddam hussein than it was the un.

a subtext for the "surge" appears to be saber rattling at iran:

Quote:

Iran target of US Gulf military moves, Gates says


Mark Tran and agencies
Monday January 15, 2007
Guardian Unlimited



Increased US military activity in the Gulf is aimed at Iran's "very negative" behaviour, the Bush administration said today.

The defence secretary, Robert Gates, told reporters that the decision to deploy a Patriot missile battalion and a second aircraft carrier to the Gulf in conjunction with a "surge" of troops in Iraq was designed to show Iran that the US was not "overcommitted" in Iraq.

Speaking in Brussels after meeting Nato officials, Mr Gates said: "We are simply reaffirming that statement of the importance of the Gulf region to the United States and our determination to be an ongoing strong presence in that area for a long time into the future."

Article continues

His remarks followed tough comments on Iran at the weekend from other senior US officials. The vice-president, Dick Cheney, accused Iran of "fishing in troubled waters inside Iraq", while the national security adviser, Stephen Hadley, said the US was "going to need to deal with what Iran is doing inside Iraq".

Such remarks, following the prospect of "hot pursuit" raids into Iran as raised by George Bush in his televised address last week, have fuelled speculation that the US is softening up the American public for possible action against Tehran.

The increasingly confrontational pose struck by the US is a repudiation of one of the key recommendations of the Iraq Study Group, which called for the start of a dialogue with Iran and Syria in an effort to extricate the US from Iraq.

Mr Gates, who as recently as 2004 publicly called for diplomatic engagement with Iran, said the situation was now different. In 2004, Iran was concerned by the presence of US forces on its eastern and western borders, in Iraq and Afghanistan, but its behaviour had changed.

"The Iranians clearly believe that we are tied down in Iraq, that they have the initiative, that they are in position to press us in many ways," he said. "They are doing nothing to be constructive in Iraq at this point."

"And so the Iranians are acting in a very negative way in many respects. My view is that when the Iranians are prepared to play a constructive role in dealing with some of these problems then there might be opportunities for engagement."

Besides concerns about Iran's nuclear programme, the US has accused Tehran of supporting Shia militia and of not doing enough to stop foreign fighters from infiltrating Iraq.

US-led forces in northern Iraq arrested five Iranians last week who the US military says were connected to an Iranian Revolutionary Guard faction that funds and arms insurgents in Iraq - a claim Iran has rejected.

Meanwhile, Iran said it was installing 3,000 centrifuges, effectively confirming that its nuclear programme was running behind schedule as these devices for uranium enrichment were meant to have been in place by the end of last year.

"We are moving toward the production of nuclear fuel, which requires 3,000 centrifuges and more than this figure," the government spokesman Gholamhossein Elham told a news conference. "This programme is being carried out and moving toward completion."

At the weekend, Iran dismissed reports from Europe that its uranium enrichment programme had stalled. Enriched uranium is used as fuel in nuclear reactors and, at a higher degree of enrichment, in atomic bombs.

Iran has condemned as "invalid" and "illegal" a UN security council resolution that imposed sanctions on it last month for its refusal to halt uranium enrichment.
source: http://www.guardian.co.uk/iran/story/0,,1990962,00.html

and this at a point when iran really must be included in a larger dialogue that would enable the americans to make themselves less central to the debacle that they have unleashed (thanks, bushco)....

so with the bush administration still anywhere near power, it seems to me that the americans have no good options. there ARE options, but the ideological worldview of the bush people seem to preclude them. after losing in the polls, the right is now hiding a bit of its ideological underpinnings: they are still as ideologically incoherent as before november, but now prefer to downplay ideology and instead to act as though its alternative universe was a fact of nature, its strategy reasonable and its sense of alternatives legitimate. reality has demonstrated that none of this is true. the people of the us, despite republican gerrymandering efforts, rejected the policies of bushco. the american system of governance is now an ongoing demonstration of the problematic version of democracy we have: bushco is still in power and is still in a position to impose its blinkered, dysfunctional worldview on iraq, on american troops, on their families, on all of us, on the international community--and there appears to be nothing to be done about it.

this does not mean that there are no alternatives: but it does mean that with george w bush in power, these alternatives will not be explored.

meanwhile, again, lots of people will die as the far right cycles through version after version of its idiotic politics based on its idiotic fetishism of the american nation-state as global military hegemon. lots of people die and the bush administration is not, and in all probablility will not be held to account for it. quite the system we have here.

dc_dux 01-15-2007 10:11 AM

More on the Biden plan:
http://www.planforiraq.com/

desal75 01-15-2007 10:45 AM

Quote:

Originally Posted by shakran
Oh, and desal75, if you're going to make fun little snips at what those of us in this thread have to say, perhaps you should come out with an opinion of your own. These little quips frankly make you look more like a troll than a debater. If you think I'm seeing the world black and white then please, by all means, educate me. Show me where the grey is.

If you think it all depends on what I call palatable, then give us your definition of palatable and tell us your solution.

Otherwise you're just taking useless pot shots which might work on Fark, but around here, we're not very impressed by it.

Maybe I'm just a succinct person Shakran.

And I would think calling another's post useless is more in the vein of being a troll than anything I said. I did not make a personal attack upon you and I'm at a loss to explain why you retaliated the way you did but I guess that is neither here nor there. Its not my job to educate you. Its not the job of this forum to educate you. As far as I know this is a place to express ones political ideas.

Finally, I apoligize for ever giving you the idea that I would post to impress anyone.

Moskie 01-15-2007 11:00 AM

Quote:

Originally Posted by desal75
As far as I know this is a place to express ones political ideas.


...which you haven't done.

desal75 01-15-2007 11:41 AM

Quote:

Originally Posted by desal75

I deeply wish literally every political decision in this country didn't come down to party lines.


It may not be much but I would argue that this qualifies.

Moskie 01-15-2007 12:09 PM

At the risk of sounding elitist, I'll reiterate what shakran said: it might qualify on Fark, but we'd prefer a little more "meat" in the expression of your political ideas here.

So, if you please: tell us what you feel is "palatable." Show us the gray area between the black and white you mentioned.

desal75 01-15-2007 01:23 PM

I'm intrigued by the way this thread has become less about politics and more about teaching me how to use this forum. What is Fark anyway?

As for palatable, I wasn't trying to force what I think is or isn't on anyone. I was simply stating that what is needed is different to different people. Some would argue that any loss of life due to war is unnecessary. Others see justifiable reasons for killing and death, no matter on what scale.

The grey area is that in any conflict there is no easy answer. Especially in conflicts like Iraq where the opposition isn't easily distinguished and the goals not easily expressed. Even the notion of winning or losing a conflict such as this is not easily defined. Some would say victory has already been achieved while some would argue that victory can never be attained. The grey is that both arguements have merit.

The_Jazz 01-15-2007 02:03 PM

Quote:

Originally Posted by desal75
I'm intrigued by the way this thread has become less about politics and more about teaching me how to use this forum. What is Fark anyway?

As for palatable, I wasn't trying to force what I think is or isn't on anyone. I was simply stating that what is needed is different to different people. Some would argue that any loss of life due to war is unnecessary. Others see justifiable reasons for killing and death, no matter on what scale.

The grey area is that in any conflict there is no easy answer. Especially in conflicts like Iraq where the opposition isn't easily distinguished and the goals not easily expressed. Even the notion of winning or losing a conflict such as this is not easily defined. Some would say victory has already been achieved while some would argue that victory can never be attained. The grey is that both arguements have merit.

Thank you for finally expressing an opinion beyond a soundbite/drive-by.

Back on topic, I doubt that I can find anyone stupid enough to try to argue that Iraq isn't SOME form of quagmire at this point, at least based on the information we have now. We're back to figuring out the "least bad" option to extricate ourselves whiles still maintaining some sort of dignity. In the meantime, I just received an email from a client purported to have originated from some Marines in Iraq who, by standing in formation, spelled out something to the effect of "we remember 9/11 and why we are here" despite the fact that the upper echelons of government have admitted that there's no real plausible link between the Saddam regime and the terrorist attacks. I'm starting to come to the conclusion that any sort of pullback without at least the facade of victory would do long-term damage to the national psyche. It may be that that damage is necessary or even welcomed, but I'm not sure of either.

roachboy 01-15-2007 02:08 PM

mr. jazz: what exactly is the national psyche?
just wondering.
i really havent any idea.

my husky grows impatient, wanting to go outside and flounce about in the pseudo-snow, so maybe more later.

aceventura3 01-15-2007 02:25 PM

Quote:

Originally Posted by The_Jazz
We're back to figuring out the "least bad" option to extricate ourselves whiles still maintaining some sort of dignity.

Some of us, including the Bush administration, still believe we can win, that we can accomplish our original goals.

Quote:

In the meantime, I just received an email from a client purported to have originated from some Marines in Iraq who, by standing in formation, spelled out something to the effect of "we remember 9/11 and why we are here" despite the fact that the upper echelons of government have admitted that there's no real plausible link between the Saddam regime and the terrorist attacks.
Sadaam is dead. Sadaam's regime no longer exists.
The connection with 9/11 is Islamic extremist are at war with us. The war front is currently in Iraq. If we leave Iraq, the war won't end. If Islamic extremist obtain and hold Iraq they will expand their offensive. I don't know what would be next, but you can believe the war will continue.

Quote:

I'm starting to come to the conclusion that any sort of pullback without at least the facade of victory would do long-term damage to the national psyche. It may be that that damage is necessary or even welcomed, but I'm not sure of either.
I think you nailed it. Some think this is some kind of a "feel good war", "a war of choice", " a war of US emperialism", etc, etc. This is a war to defend our freedom and the freedom of billions of people in the world, it is not about "national psyche" but far too many people see it in those terms or in terms of "feelings".

The_Jazz 01-15-2007 02:34 PM

Quote:

Originally Posted by roachboy
mr. jazz: what exactly is the national psyche?
just wondering.
i really havent any idea.

Exactly? I don't know if I can answer it that way, but I can give you my opinion. In my above post, I meant middle America's pride in the armed forces, their inability to be critical of servicemen and -women and the willingness to enforce patriotism. Basically the vast majority of Americans who see "Born in the USA" as an anthem instead of the protest song that Springsteen meant. Those folks aren't stupid although they allow themselves to be blinded by the glare of the flag sometimes. When Bush declared "victory", that was his target audience. Obviously, they've come to realize that the declaration was something substantially different than the reality of the situation, and without any sort of way to extricate ourselves (which is what John Q. Public now seems to want) with a measure of dignity, I can only see even more voter apathy ahead, which is the worst way to make any changes to the system beyond the calls for violent revolution that go echoing through TFP on a regular basis. As a student of revolutions (1905, 1917-24 in Russia), I'm honestly afraid for me and my family should something like that happen here.

mixedmedia 01-15-2007 02:45 PM

Quote:

Originally Posted by aceventura3
Sadaam is dead. Sadaam's regime no longer exists.
The connection with 9/11 is Islamic extremist are at war with us. The war front is currently in Iraq. If we leave Iraq, the war won't end. If Islamic extremist obtain and hold Iraq they will expand their offensive. I don't know what would be next, but you can believe the war will continue.

So do you consider Saddam to have been an Islamic extremist?

host 01-15-2007 02:46 PM

Quote:

Originally Posted by roachboy
mr. jazz: what exactly is the national psyche?
just wondering.
i really havent any idea.

my husky grows impatient, wanting to go outside and flounce about in the pseudo-snow, so maybe more later.


Of course you wouldn't know what it is, roachboy. Reagan and Bush '41 believed it existed, and they successfully manipulated it to lull the sheeple into a state of amnesia induced, national pride and self satisfaction:

Quote:

http://www.findarticles.com/p/articl...g/ai_102119713
Can Vietnam awaken us again? Teaching the literature of the Vietnam War - 1
Radical Teacher, Spring, 2003 by H. Bruce Franklin

<b>....President George Bush the First was remarkably frank about the need to brainwash us.</b> As he explained in his 1989 inaugural address, the problem is that we still retain our memory: "The final lesson of Vietnam is that no great nation can long afford to be sundered by a memory." What Bush meant by "Vietnam" by then was already no longer a country or even a war. Vietnam was something that had happened to us, an event that had divided, wounded, and victimized America. As the grotesque tide of one widely-adopted history textbook puts it: Vietnam: An American Ordeal? (3)

In that 1989 inaugural speech, Bush explicitly blamed "Vietnam" for all the "divisiveness" in America and the lack of trust in our government. Just two years later, gloating over what seemed America's glorious defeat of Iraq, he jubilantly boasted to a nation festooned in jingoist yellow ribbons, "By God, we've kicked the Vietnam syndrome once and for all!" (4)

The "Vietnam syndrome" had entered America's cultural vocabulary in a 1980 campaign speech by Ronald Reagan, the same speech in which he redefined the Vietnam War as "a noble cause." (5)

By the late 1970s, the Vietnamese were already being transformed into fiendish torturers of heroic American POWs. By the mid 1990s, they were becoming erased from the picture altogether. Want a snapshot of the cultural progression from the late 1970s to the mid 1990s? The Academy Award for Best Picture of 1978 went to The Deer Hunter, which systematically replaced crucial images from the Vietnam War with their precise opposites, meticulously reversing the roles of victims and victimizers. The Academy Award for Best Picture of 1994 went to Forrest Gump, which projects Vietnam as merely an uninhabited jungle that for inscrutable reasons shoots at nice American boys who happen to be passing through. And from then on, one loveable American icon would be Gump, someone incapable of knowing or understanding history.

With the erasure of history came the reign of fantasy: a war fought with one hand behind our back; an invasion of the democratic nation of "South Vietnam" by the communists of "North Vietnam"; betrayal by the liberal media, pinko professors, and Jane Fonda; returning veterans spat upon by hippies; hundreds of POWs forsaken after the war to be tortured for decades; and so on.

Emerging from the quarter century of post-Vietnam War American fantasy are the students sitting in our college classrooms today. That fantasy lives inside their minds, its myths and phony images filtering and obscuring their vision of history, of America's actions in today's world, and even of themselves. This should not be looked upon as merely an impediment to education, or worse still, some infection to be cured with a dose of counter-brainwashing brainwashing.

<b>Why? Because these students are in some senses the world's greatest experts on late 20th-century and early 21st-century American culture.</b> They bring into the classroom invaluable experience and potential expertise on the current cultural role of "Vietnam." For them, the words "Vietnam" and "the Sixties" are powerful, complex, and disquieting signifiers. Precisely because those signifiers have become so falsified, today's students are potentially capable of experiencing something close to what millions of us experienced during the war: a direct confrontation with one's own false consciousness. For many of us, this was the most literally radicalizing experience, because it made us understand the very roots of our own perception of historical and cultural reality. We realized that we had indeed been brainwashed, and we learned who did it and why. We comprehended how 1950s American culture had made the Vietnam War possible. For many of us involved in the genesis of the Radical Caucus, we even began to see how thi s culture had determined how we had been reading and teaching literature, and even which literature we had been choosing to read and teach, and so we began to change our ways...

(1.) Originally presented on December 28, 2002, to the Radical Caucus at the Modern Language Association Convention, this paper will (alas) probably be relevant for quite a while to come.

(2.) For an instructive history, see the Introduction to Louis Kampf and Paul Lauter, eds., The Politics of Literature: Dissenting Essays in the Teaching of English (New York: Random House, 1972).

(3.) This 1990 text written by George Donelson Moss and published by Prentice-Hall, a subsidiary of Viacom, had gone through three editions by 1998. Among the important studies that have explored how the war has been transformed into a trauma inflicted not by America on Vietnam but by Vietnam on America, see Susan Jeffords, The Remasculinization of America: Gender and the Vietnam War (Bloomington, 1989); Fred Turner, Echoes of Combat: The Vietnam War in American Memory (New York, 1996); Keith Beattie, The Scar that Binds: American Culture and the Vietnam War (New York, 1998).

(4.) "Kicking the Vietnam Syndrome,"' Washington Post, March 4, 1991.

(5.) Turner, Echoes of Combat, 63; Arnold R. Isaacs, Vietnam Shadows: The War, Its Ghost, and Its Legacy (Baltimore, 1997), 49.

Quote:

http://andromeda.rutgers.edu/~hbf/london.html
“‘Vietnam’ in the New American Century”

by H. Bruce Franklin


.....For years, the American people refused to support hostilities against Vietnam.Indeed, the fall of 1945 was the beginning of the American movement against the Vietnam War.When those U.S. troopships arrived in Saigon, they were greeted and saluted on the docks by Japanese soldiers, uniformed and rearmed by British troops under the command of General Douglas Gracey.The enlisted men on the crews of these troopships then all drew up and signed letters and petitions to Congress and the President denouncing these "imperialist policies" and the use of American ships "to subjugate the native population" of Vietnam.

The American movement against the war, initiated by these hundreds of sailors, kept growing in the nine years leading to French defeat in 1954.In April of that year, on the eve of the French surrender, Vice President Richard Nixon declared that the United States may "have to send troops there" because "the Vietnamese lack the ability to conduct a war or govern themselves."[5]This trial balloon launched by the White House sparked a firestorm of protest against what some called the "Nixon War."[6]

Thousands of letters and telegrams opposing U.S. intervention deluged the White House.An American Legion division with 78,000 members demanded that "the United States should refrain from dispatching any of its Armed Forces to participate as combatants in the fighting in Indochina."[7]There were public outcries against "colonialism" and "imperialism."Senators from both parties rose to denounce any contemplation of sending U.S. soldiers to Indochina.For example, Senator Ed Johnson of Colorado declared on the Senate floor:"I am against sending American GI's into the mud and muck of Indochina on a blood-letting spree to perpetuate colonialism and white man's exploitation in Asia."[8]By mid-May, a Gallup poll revealed that 68% of those surveyed were against sending U.S. troops to Indochina.[9]So the Eisenhower Administration was forced into fighting a war hidden from the American people, a covert war.The first stage was creating in June the puppet regime of Ngo Dinh Diem, creating a new proxy army, and launching terrorist and other secret operations orchestrated by Edward Lansdale.All this began before the Geneva Conference concluded, with its recognition that Vietnam was a single, independent nation and an agreement that French and DRV military forces would regroup on either side of the 17th parallel, a "military demarcation line" that "should not in any way be interpreted as constituting a political or territorial boundary."[10]It would take Vietnam 19 years to force Washington to accept these agreements.

Nine years after Geneva, the Kennedy Administration felt itself forced into another conspiracy, this one to remove Diem and replace him with generals on the Pentagon's payroll.As U.S. Ambassador to Saigon Henry Cabot Lodge wrote in a top-secret cable in August 1963: "We are embarked on a course from which there is no respectable turning back: the overthrow of the Diem government. . . . there is no turning back because there is no possibility, in my view, that the war can be won under a Diem administration, still less that any member of the family can govern the country in a way to gain the support of the only people who count, i.e., the educated class in and out of government service--not to mention the American people."[11]

The coup, including the assassination of Diem, took place in the first week of November.Three weeks later, President Kennedy was assassinated.Within 72 hours, newly installed President Lyndon Baines Johnson signed off on NSAM 273, the top-secret plan for a full-scale U.S. war in Vietnam.A key section of NSAM 273, entitled "Plausibility of Denial," essentially asked for an assessment of whether the American people would be stupid or gullible enough to believe the government's lies when it denied the covert air, sea, and land attacks on northern Vietnam that would lead up to the open dispatch of combat forces.Meanwhile, President Johnson's main foreign-policy campaign gambit in 1964, repeated over and over again, was his promise that "I shall never send American boys to Asia to do the job that Asian boys should do."As soon as he was inaugurated as an elected president, after burying openly hawkish Barry Goldwater in a record landslide, Johnson sent in the Marines and began overt non-stop bombing of the north.

In that great 1974 documentary Hearts and Minds, Daniel Ellsberg outlines how "the American people" were "lied to month-by-month" about Vietnam by Presidents Truman, Eisenhower, Kennedy, Johnson, and Nixon, and says "It's a tribute to the American public that their leaders perceived they had to be lied to." But then he pauses and adds, "It's no tribute to us that it was so easy."

The lies did not stop when military combat ended in 1975, partly because they were necessary to legitimize that remorseless economic and political war Washington waged against Vietnam for the ensuing quarter of a century.Indeed, by 1978 a cultural juggernaut designed to reimage the war was beginning to overwhelm and replace everything we had remembered with its opposite.

The key cultural text here is The Deer Hunter.This lavishly-financed celluloid fantasy was sanctified by four Academy Awards, capped by Best Picture--an award presented appropriately enough by John Wayne, that World War II draft dodger who received a Congressional Gold Medal for being a make-believe warrior hero.With wicked virtuosity, The Deer Hunter transformed the most powerful and influential images of the war, images deeply embedded in American culture, into their precise opposites.The first scene in Vietnam shows North Vietnamese helicopters napalming a South Vietnamese village, where the surviving women and children are then slaughtered by North Vietnamese Communists.This My Lai style massacre is halted by the first American to appear in this fantasy of Vietnam, Robert De Niro as a lone heroic guerilla.The tiger cages in which we tortured and crippled thousands of Vietnamese become tiger cages in which they try to cripple us.The bodies of Vietnamese prisoners being hurled from helicopters by American interrogators became American prisoners falling from helicopters.One of the most potent images of the real war was the photograph of Saigon secret-police chief General Loan killing an unarmed "Viet Cong suspect," his arms bound behind his back, with a revolver held to his right temple.The Deer Hunter artfully reverses this image, with American prisoners forced by sadistic Communist officers to play Russian roulette with a revolver held to their right temple below a portrait of Ho Chi Minh.The American POWs in The Deer Hunter are all working-class GIs, unlike the reality in which all but a handful of the POWs were flight officers.(And most of the enlisted POWs were in the Peace Committee, allied with their Vietnamese captors.)[12]

The Deer Hunter succeeded not only in reversing key images of the war but in helping to transform U.S. prisoners of war into the most potent symbols of American manhood. It was the trailblazer for the POW/MIA cult movies, beginning with Uncommon Valor starring Gene Hackman (1983), the first of Chuck Norris's Missing in Action films (1984), and of course Sylvester Stallone's Rambo (1985).Wounded, tortured, imprisoned, victimized by bureaucracy and a feminized culture, American manhood now fought back as super-muscled heroes.By 1988, three years after he singlehandedly won the last phase of the Vietnam War by freeing the POWs, Rambo was blasting the Russian hordes on another battlefield: Afghanistan.

The year after the Motion Picture Academy canonized The Deer Hunter, another Hollywood product--Ronald Reagan--brilliantly reimaged the Vietnam War as part of his campaign to capture the White House.During the 1980 election campaign, Reagan coined the "Vietnam syndrome" metaphor and, in the same speech to a Veterans of Foreign Wars conference, redefined the war as a "noble cause."[13]By 1982, then President Reagan was articulating a version of the history of the Vietnam War, every sentence of which was demonstrably false.[14]<h3>By the end of the 1980s, the matrix of illusions necessary for endless imperial warfare was in place and functioning with potency.The two great myths--the spat-upon veteran and postwar POWs--were deeply embedded in the national psyche.What was needed next was erasure of memory of the reality.</h3>

The cultural march from demonization of the Vietnamese in the late 1970s to eradication in the 1990s was vividly projected by Hollywood.Whereas the Academy Award for the Best Picture of 1978 went to The Deer Hunterwith its meticulously reversed images of victims and victimizers, the winner of the Academy Award for the Best Picture of 1994 was Forrest Gump, which projects Vietnam as merely an uninhabited jungle that for inscrutable reasons shoots at nice American boys who happen to be marching through.And our iconic hero is now a man constitutionally incapable of understanding history.

How did we get to Gumpify "Vietnam"?

Throughout the decades that the United States was waging war in Vietnam, no incoming president uttered the word "Vietnam" in his inaugural address.[15]Ronald Reagan, in his 1981 inaugural speech, did include "a place called Vietnam" in his list of battlefields where Americans had fought in the twentieth century.But it was not until 1989 that a newly-elected president actually said anything about the Vietnam War.What he said was: forget it.

It was George Bush the First who broke the silence with these words explicitly calling for erasure:"The final lesson of Vietnam is that no great nation can long afford to be sundered by a memory."Note that by now "Vietnam" was no longer a country or even "a place called Vietnam," as his predecessor had put it. It had become a war, an American war.Or not even a war. It was an American tragedy, an event that had divided and wounded America. Bush's speech went on to blame "Vietnam" for the "divisiveness," the "hard looks" in Congress, the challenging of "each other's motives," and the fact that "our great parties have too often been far apart and untrusting of each other." "It has been this way since Vietnam," he lamented.[16]

Two years later, Bush began the war against Iraq with the promise that “this will not be another Vietnam.”[17]Inextricably intertwined with "Vietnam," "Iraq" has also become a construct of simulations, an illusionary reality continually being spun.If the Vietnam War is the longest U.S. foreign war, the Iraq war is the second longest.After all, by now it has already been going on for fourteen years, through three American administrations.

Before U.S. and allied ground troops withdrew in 1991 from the parts of Iraq they had invaded, the United States, with assistance from Britain and France, began to set up a form of aerial occupation and control, the so-called no-fly zones.This was an application of a strategy for imperial rule from the air developed by Britain back in the 1920s, then named "Control without Occupation."Britain tried this out first in 1922.Where?In Iraq.The first RAF report gleefully described the panic the air raids evoked among the "natives" of Baghdad, especially the terrified women and children: "Many of them jumped into a lake, making a good target for the machine guns."[18]The no-fly zones in continual operation between the 1991 and 2003 invasions had two interrelated purposes, both preconditions for eventual full occupation and control:(1) detaching the oil-rich regions of the north and south from central control, thus destroying the economic and political coherence of the nation; and (2) providing pretexts for ongoing aerial bombing campaigns designed to degrade and ultimately neutralize Iraq's military defense system.

The fantasy “Vietnam” has proved crucial to launching and maintaining the war against Iraq.In 1991, the myth of the spat-upon Vietnam veteran was invoked to discredit the burgeoning antiwar movement and to create the emotional support necessary to start the war.How this was done is explored brilliantly in the 1998 book The Spitting Image, the landmark study of the spat-upon veteran myth by sociologist Jerry Lembcke, himself a Vietnam veteran.

The Bush Administration had offered many different reasons for going to war: "liberating" Kuwait; defending Saudi Arabia; freeing all those foreign hostages Iraq was holding (I bet you forgot that one); Saddam as Hitler; the threat to America's oil supplies; the 312 Kuwaiti babies dumped out of incubators by Iraqi soldiers (a fiction concocted by leading PR firm Hill and Knowlton); and so on.But the only one that succeeded in generating the required passion was "Support our troops!Don't treat them like the spat-upon Vietnam vets!"From this flowed the ocean of yellow ribbons on cars and trucks and homes that deluged the American landscape.The yellow ribbon campaign, with its mantra of “Support Our Troops,”"dovetailed neatly," as Lembcke wrote, with that other Vietnam issue "about which the American people felt great emotion: the prisoner of war/missing in action (POW/MIA) issue."[19]So finally the war was not about political issues but about people.Which people?Again in Lembcke’s words, "Not Kuwaitis.Not Saudis. . . .The war was about the American soldiers who had been sent to fight it."(20)

In March 1991, gloating over what seemed America's glorious defeat of Iraq, President Bush jubilantly proclaimed to a nation festooned in its jingoist yellow ribbons, "By God, we've kicked the Vietnam syndrome once and for all!"[20]Kicked?Syndrome?Had Vietnam become America's addiction?Its pathology?

The President's diagnosis proved more accurate than his prognosis.Sixteen months after claiming to have cured us of our Vietnam disease, George Bush was on national TV shouting "Shut up and sit down!" at MIA family members heckling him at the July 1992 annual convention of the National League of Families.

Inaugurated with a promise that he would heal America's Vietnam wounds, Bush tried to win reelection by reopening them, turning Bill Clinton’s anti-Vietnam-War activities and draft avoidance into a central campaign issue.But meanwhile Ross Perot, the original fabricator of the POW/MIA issue back in 1969, now launched his own campaign as the wartime champion of the POWs and a Rambo-like hero who would rescue not only the dozens allegedly still alive in Indochina but also the nation itself.Perot masterfully played his role of the lone outsider from Texas ready to ride into Washington to save us from its sleazy bureaucrats and politicians who had betrayed the POWs and the American people.

Unlike the Republican and Democratic candidates, Perot had no national party apparatus.What he used as a remarkably effective substitute was a ready-made national infrastructure, a network of activists motivated by near religious fervor and coordinated by grassroots organizations: the POW/MIA movement.A master of symbolism, Perot chose ex-POW James Stockdale as his running mate and ex-POW Orson Swindle as his campaign manager.A POW/MIA organization illegally turned the Vietnam Veterans Memorial into a perpetual campaign prop for Perot.[21]At his rallies, Perot sat with former POWs and family members on a stage bedecked with POW flags.POW activists and their organizations led the petition campaigns that got Perot on the ballot in every state.[22]Without the Perot candidacy, Bush would undoubtedly have beaten Bill Clinton in a one-on-one race.In the televised debates, when Bush attempted to focus on Clinton’s draft records, Perot argued that the Bush Administration had given Saddam Hussein permission to “take the northern part of Kuwait.”[23]Perot’s 20 million votes, drawn mainly from Republican voters, amounted to almost four times Clinton’s margin of victory over Bush, who got almost ten million fewer votes than he had received four years earlier.If Perot was responsible for Bush's defeat, then clearly the POW/MIA issue was central to the election's outcome, for without it Perot would surely not have been a national political figure much less a presidential candidate.In fact he would not have even made his first billion dollars, which came from contracts awarded by the Nixon Administration for selling the POW/MIA issue to the American people.

But the first President Bush was right about one thing.The invasion of Iraq accelerated the continuing militarization of American culture, thus allowing us to “kick” the"Vietnam syndrome."At the end of combat in Vietnam in 1975, a Harris poll indicated that a mere 20% of Americans between the ages of 18 and 29 trusted the leaders of the military.In December 2002, as the second Bush Administration was ramping up for a renewed invasion of Iraq, a Harris poll indicated that this number had more than tripled to 64%.[24]

What Lembcke wrote in 1998 about events that occurred in 1991 seems even more relevant today, when the ostensible reasons for the 2003 invasion of Iraq have all been discredited.Iraq of course had no arsenal of chemical or bacteriological, much less nuclear, weapons that was threatening the United States or anybody else, and this arsenal, we now know, was an Administration concoction based on cherry-picked and flagrantly bogus intelligence.Amnesiac America recognized no similarity to the bogus intelligence used to substantiate the White Paper of 1965, which provided the justification for overt U.S. war in Vietnam.[25]Iraq of course had nothing to do with 9/11, but the war has been a bonanza for jihadists.Now we are supposed to believe that the war was designed to liberate the people of Iraq and bring them democracy.Well, maybe it was necessary to destroy the country in order to save it.But none of these rationalizations of the war today generate any pro-war fervor.No, those who fervently support the war today do so because they “Support Our Troops,” rather than betraying them while they are fighting or spitting on them and calling them baby-killers when they come home.

In 2005, the yellow-ribbon tsunami of 1991 has swept over America once again, helped by a cute technological gimmick.Now, instead of those perishable actual yellow ribbons that festooned American homes and cars as a buildup to Operation Desert Storm in 1991, we have magnetic yellow ribbons, emblazoned with the slogan “Support Our Troops,” attached to millions of American cars and SUVs and vans and trucks, sometimes riding happily above the old-fashioned black-and-white POW/MIA bumper stickers.

And by 2004, “Vietnam,” that construct of illusions, myths, fantasies, and lies that had replaced the realities of the Vietnam War, had become a defining test of character to determine who was fit to lead America during another construct of illusions and lies, the so-called “War on Terror.”In this psychocultural hall of mirrors, George Bush, who had used family connections to avoid serving in Vietnam or even fulfilling his minimal National Guard obligations, appeared as a towering figure of bravery and determination, while John Kerry, who had received three purple hearts for combat wounds and five medals, including the Silver Star, for bravery and heroism, was imaged as a cowardly wimp if not downright traitor who, along with Jane Fonda, had gotten Americans to spit on our troops and call them baby killers.

The onslaught against Kerry was led by John O’Neill, who had been recruited by Richard Nixon’s dirty tricksters back in 1971 to discredit the combat veterans then leading the antiwar movement.The Nixon White House had been rattled by the Winter Soldier Investigation held by Vietnam Veterans Against the War, during which more than a hundred combat veterans testified about atrocities and war crimes they had witnessed or actually participated in; some showed pictures reminiscent of recent photos from Abu Ghraib, such as an interrogator yanking on a cord tied to the testicles of a Vietnamese prisoner.In April, Washington was besieged by antiwar demonstrators, eventually numbering half a million and led by thousands of Vietnam War veterans.The veterans’ six-day demonstration climaxed when almost a thousand threw their medals over a hastily erected fence around the Capitol building and when their spokesman, Navy Lieutenant John Kerry, testified for two hours in nationally televised hearings of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.Kerry included in his lengthy opening statement a brief summary of the veterans’ testimony at the Winter Soldier Investigation.[26]More than three decades later, those few words about the conduct of the war would be used as an explosive charge hurled with deadly effect at the Kerry campaign, thus demonstrating how thoroughly the realities of the Vietnam War have been replaced by jingoist fantasy.Never mind that the Kerry’s 1971 testimony, like that of the Winter Soldier Investigation, was contemporaneous with the trial of Lt. Calley for the slaughter, rape, and sodomy in My Lai in 1968.Never mind that in April 2004, the Toledo Blade newspaper received a Pulitzer Prize for a series about systematic atrocities carried out by an elite U.S. Army unit, as part of U.S. policy, in the same province as My Lai in 1967. Never mind that back in 1967, months before My Lai, Jonathan Schell had exposed the genocide in this same province.Never mind that every one of Kerry’s words about U.S. atrocities and war crimes has been proved, over and over again, to be true.No, by 2004 the hideous record of U.S. atrocities in Vietnam had been erased, and Kerry’s 1971 testimony could be portrayed as a libelous if not downright treasonous attack on America and its soldiers.

Looking backward from 2005, the efforts of the Nixon gang to neutralize Kerry seem crude and primitive.“We found a vet named John O’Neill and formed a group called Vietnam Veterans for a Just Peace,” Nixon Special Counsel Charles Colson boasted.“We had O’Neill meet the President, and we did everything we could to boost his group.”[27]The White House engineered letters to newspapers demanding that they “expose” Kerry as a “fraud,” and Colson arranged an Op Ed denouncing Kerry that was syndicated in 150 newspapers, with copies then mailed to “all veterans organizations and military groups in plain envelopes with no cover letter.”[28]

Thirty-three years later, and months before Kerry became the Democratic candidate in July 2004, O’Neill, with massive financial support from Bush backers and unlimited media connections, launched the assault, 21st-century PR style.An April interview on CNN and a May 4 Op-Ed in the Wall Street Journal headlined “Unfit To Serve” set the stage for Unfit For Command, the book O’Neill co-authored with right-wing fanatic Jerome Corsi, and the made-for-TV film, “Stolen Honor: Wounds that Never Heal,” both blaming Kerry for prolonging the war and causing the torture of American POWs.O’Neill and his Swift Boats organization got incessant media exposure on radio, TV, newspapers, magazines, and the internet, including a free non-stop book-promotion blitz that turned Unfit For Command into the nation’s top nonfiction bestseller for weeks during the crucial final months of the presidential race.Leading the circus was Rupert Murdoch’s Fox network.Show after show on Fox featured voices such as former Contragate conspirator and now Fox News Channel host Oliver North, who claimed that the atrocities cited by Kerry in 1971 simply “did not happen,” former Republican Speaker of the House and now regular Fox contributor Newt Gingrich, who invented a tale of secret 1970 meetings in Paris between Kerry and “Communist leaders of a country that were [sic] killing young Americans while John Kerry is sitting in Paris talking to them,” and right-wing Washington Postcommentator and regular Fox contributor Charles Krauthammer, who claimed that Kerry “betrayed” his “comrades” by “telling the world that these soldiers left behind were committing atrocities, as Kerry has said on a daily basis.”[29]Over and over again, the wounded and decorated warrior was explicitly branded a “traitor” responsible not only for the torture of POWs and the betrayal of his fellow soldiers, but even for the eventual defeat of the United States by the Communists.

The main piece of evidence for all this was a picture of John Kerry in the War Remnants Museum of Ho Chi Minh City, a picture that John O’Neill and his cohort claimed to have discovered.Unfit To Command opens with a sensationalized account of this discovery by a touring Vietnam veteran:

He realized that he had seen this face before—for the first time more than thirty years ago.It was John Kerry.The Vietnamese photo of a 1993 meeting of Kerry and Vietnamese leaders, including the General Secretary of the Vietnamese Communist Party Do Muoi, was to honor John Kerry’s “heroic” contributions to the North Vietnamese victory.[30]

Unfit For Commanddevotes an entire chapter to this incriminating photograph, which is actually a picture of Kerry’s reception in Vietnam as head of a congressional delegation seeking information about unaccounted-for American servicemen.

Kerry and his campaign have been criticized for not responding more aggressively to these scurrilous attacks.Some have argued that he should have reaffirmed the validity of his 1971 view of the war and his later efforts to resolve postwar issues and bring about normal relations with Vietnam.In fact, as co-chair of the Senate Select Committee on POW/MIA Affairs during its 17 months of investigations in 1991 and 1992, Kerry had played a major role in the gradual beginnings of trade relations during the first Bush and Clinton Administrations and the eventual establishment of diplomatic relations in 1995.

Yet Kerry and his campaign dared not take this tack.Was this a mistake?To do so would have required confronting head-on the fantasy “Vietnam.”Two-thirds of the American people still believe that Vietnam secretly held many U.S. POWs after the war and therefore they are either still there or they were executed.The myth that Vietnam veterans were routinely spat upon and called baby killers is almost universal.The irrationality on this issue is suggested by the accusation, made by a former San Diego mayor acting as guest host on the enormously popular Rush Limbaugh radio show that John Kerry “was the one who coined the phrase ‘baby killers,’” “the phrase returning veterans from Vietnam had to hear . . . when they were spit upon in airports.”[31]

John Kerry was indeed a prominent activist against the Vietnam War, which explains some of the hatred and loathing evoked by his candidacy.But the fact that a prominent activist against the Vietnam War came very close to being elected President of the United States in 2004 suggests that the war in America over the Vietnam War has another side and has not yet been decided.

Although the fantasy “Vietnam” is dominant in 21st-century American culture and politics, the antiwar movement that arose from the realities of the war still exerts a profound and powerful counterforce.Demonstrations against the Iraq war have rivaled in size those against the Vietnam War, and the anti-imperial consciousness that emerged a little over three decades ago has deepened and gained a wider constituency among the American people.Because the actual history of the Vietnam War has not yet been entirely expunged, it still threatens to obliterate the fantasy of Vietnam so essential to the Project for the New American Century.

[5]Reprinted in Vietnam and America: A Documented History, Revised and Enlarged Second Edition, ed. Marvin Gettleman, Jane Franklin, Marilyn Young, and H. Bruce Franklin (New York: Grove Press, 1995), 52.


[6]Senator Ernest Gruening and Herbert Wilton Beaser, Vietnam Folly(Washington, DC: National Press, 1968), pp. 100-105.


[7]Gruening and Beaser, p. 105.


[8]Gillen, 379-383, 402.As Gillen notes, some sources incorrectly attribute this speech to Lyndon Johnson.


[9]Gillen, 402.


[10]"Final Declaration of the Geneva Conference," July 21, 1954.InVietnam and America, 75.


[11]Cablegram from Ambassador Lodge to Secretary of State Rusk, August 29, 1963, reprinted in Vietnam and America, 227.



[12]A revealing inside account can be found in James A. Daly, Black Prisoner of War: A Conscientious Objector’s Vietnam Memoir (Lawrence, KS: University Press of Kansas, 2000).


[13]Turner, Echoes of Combat, 63; Arnold R. Isaacs, Vietnam Shadows: The War, Its Ghost, and Its Legacy (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1997), 49.


[14]Vietnam and America, xv.


[15]Christian G. Appy, Working-Class War: American Combat Soldiers and Vietnam(Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1993), 9.



[16]George Bush, “Inaugural Address, January 20, 1989,” Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: George Bush, 1989 (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1990), Book 1: 3.


[17]George Bush, “Address to the Nation Announcing Allied Military Action in the Persian Gulf, January 16, 1991,” Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: George Bush, 1991 (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1992), I: 44


[18]Sven Lindqvist, A History of Bombing (New York: New Press, 2001), 43.C. G. Grey, Bombers (London: Faber & Faber, 1941), 71. See my discussion in War Stars, 88-89.


[19]Lembcke, 20.


[20]"Kicking the `Vietnam Syndrome,'" Washington Post, March 4, 1991.


[21]"Veterans Raise Perot Banner," New York Daily News, June 11, 1992.


[22]David Jackson, "MIAs' Kin Want Perot as President," Dallas Morning News, May 19, 1992; interview with David Jackson, May 18, 1992; telephone interview with John LeBoutillier, June 12, 1992; "It's Businessman Perot and Not War Hero Bush Who Attracts a Following Among U.S. Veterans," Wall Street Journal, July 2, 1992.



[23]The Third 1992 Presidential Debate, October 19, 1992, http://www.pbs.org/newshour/debating...tiny/92debates.


[24]"Trust in the Military Heightens Among Baby Boomers' Children," The New York Times, May 27, 2003.



[25]U.S. Department of State, Aggression from the North: The Record of North Vietnam’s Campaign to Conquer South Vietnam, Publication 7839, Far Eastern Series 130 (Washington, DC, 1965) in Vietnam and America, ed. Marvin E. Gettleman, Jane Franklin, Marilyn B. Young, and H. Bruce Franklin (New York, Grove Press, 1995).


[26]For the complete text of Kerry’s statement, see Vietnam and America, 456-62.


[27]“The Lies of John O’Neill,” Media Matters for America ( http://mediamatters.org/items/printable/200408250002 .


[28]Tom Wells, The War Within: America’s Battle Over Vietnam (New York: Henry Holt, 1994), 490.


[29]Media Matters for America, http://mediamatters.org/items/printable/ 200408260004, 200409020010, 200409010004.


[30]John E. O’Neill and Jerome Corsi, Unfit for Command (Washington, DC: Regnery Publishing, 2004), 7.


[31]Roger Hedgecock, the former San Diego mayor, was acting as substitute host for Limbaugh when he made this claim on August 25, 2004.His claim that Kerry coined this term in his 1971 Senate testimony is demonstrably false as well as a bit illogical, since most Vietnam veterans returned prior to 1971.Media Matters for America, http://mediamatters.org/items/printable/200408270003 .

The_Jazz 01-15-2007 02:51 PM

Ace, I understand where you're coming from, but I just can't buy into most of your response.

Quote:

Originally Posted by aceventura3
Some of us, including the Bush administration, still believe we can win, that we can accomplish our original goals.

So the WMD are going to magically appear someday? Even if I temporarily conceed that they did exist and were spirited away to Syria, they're never going to materialize. That was the majority of the arguement for our invasion in the first place. Our goals then shifted to making Iraq "safe for democracy", etc. but I don't see how anyone can consider us closer to those goals now.


Quote:

Originally Posted by aceventura3
Sadaam is dead. Sadaam's regime no longer exists.
The connection with 9/11 is Islamic extremist are at war with us. The war front is currently in Iraq. If we leave Iraq, the war won't end. If Islamic extremist obtain and hold Iraq they will expand their offensive. I don't know what would be next, but you can believe the war will continue.

I don't think that I was clear enough with my description of the email, but there was a definite tone linking Iraq to Al Qaida. However, I think that what I highlighted in your statement is the gist of my arguement - the war won't end. I think it's important to note that the war won't end if we stay either. The big problem is that there's no real way to quantify sucess in this conflict. The only positives are lack of negatives. Given that there are lots of negatives, it appears (whether it's true or not) that we're losing.


Quote:

Originally Posted by aceventura3
I think you nailed it. Some think this is some kind of a "feel good war", "a war of choice", " a war of US emperialism", etc, etc. This is a war to defend our freedom and the freedom of billions of people in the world, it is not about "national psyche" but far too many people see it in those terms or in terms of "feelings".

I can't accept this statement in any fashion. If this were a war about defending our freedoms, we would have done better to focus on real threats to our freedom, such as the Chinese who seized an American military plane operating in internation airspace months before the Iraq war. Or we could have faced off against the North Koreans who I think I can easily catagorize as the loudest saber rattler in the world. If it were about getting the terrorists, why didn't we go after the head of the snake in the Saudi and Egyptian citizens that finance Al Qaida et al? Make no bones about it, the Bush administration chose to prosecute this war in the face of diplomacy. We chose the time and place for it and followed through on our threats.

host 01-15-2007 03:07 PM

Quote:

Originally Posted by aceventura3
Some of us, including the Bush administration, still believe we can win, that we can accomplish our original goals.



Sadaam is dead. Sadaam's regime no longer exists.
The connection with 9/11 is Islamic extremist are at war with us. The war front is currently in Iraq. If we leave Iraq, the war won't end. If Islamic extremist obtain and hold Iraq they will expand their offensive. I don't know what would be next, but you can believe the war will continue.



I think you nailed it. Some think this is some kind of a "feel good war", "a war of choice", " a war of US emperialism", etc, etc. This is a war to defend our freedom and the freedom of billions of people in the world, it is not about "national psyche" but far too many people see it in those terms or in terms of "feelings".

ace....$400 billion spent, 3000 plus US soldiers dead and 10,000 plus more permanently removed from the fighting force and as "fit and functioning" members of US society.

Hundreds of billions more spent on an intelligence apparatus and a department of fatherland security that has it's head up it's ass....

In Negroponte's first annual Threat Assessment testimony, he mentioned only the farce of a criminal investigation in Lodi, CA to describe the grave threat we face in America from "Islamic Fascist Butcher Killers", ace.....
http://www.senate.gov/~armed_service...2002-28-06.pdf

Quote:

http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontl...mywithin/view/
.....However, a deeper look at the evidence creates uncertainty about what kind of threat actually did exist in Lodi and provides a case study of America's response to the threat of domestic terrorism. In "The Enemy Within," FRONTLINE and New York Times reporter Lowell Bergman examines the Lodi case and interviews FBI and Homeland Security officials to assess U.S. anti-terror efforts

The Lodi investigation drew the attention of senior U.S. officials. <b>"A network of Islamic extremists in Lodi," Director of National Intelligence John Negroponte told Congress in February 2006, "maintained connections with Pakistani militant groups, recruited U.S. citizens, … [and] allegedly raised funds for international jihadist groups."...</b>
Quote:

http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontl...ws/wedick.html
James Wedick was a FBI street agent and supervisor for 35 years. Before retiring in April 2004, he was in charge of a number of high-profile criminal investigations into public corruption. Soon after Umer and Hamid Hayat were arrested in the Lodi, California terror case, Wedick was sought out by Umer Hayat's defense attorney to review the government's evidence. At the trial, Wedick wasn't allowed to testify about the FBI's videotaped interrogation of the Hayats and their confessions, nor about the quality of the overall investigation; the judge ruled the value of Wedick's testimony was "outweighed by its potential for confusing the jury." In this interview, Wedick discusses the weaknesses in the government's case, the problems in how it was handled and his concern about the FBI's new paradigm favoring disruption and prevention over prosecution. This is an edited transcript of an interview conducted June 30, 2006.:
....from a sympathetic corner, ace:
Quote:

http://article.nationalreview.com/?q...ZmOWUzMGNmZGY=

.....David Schenker
This was a great week for Syria. First, Hezbollah moved one step closer to toppling the democratically elected Lebanese government. Then, Damascus’s leading nemesis, U.N. Ambassador John Bolton, submitted his resignation to President Bush. Still basking in the warm afterglow of Bolton’s departure, on Wednesday Syria seemingly hit the trifecta when the Iraq Study Group Report advocated U.S. diplomatic reengagement with Damascus.

The Assad regime, the ISG tells us, has “indicated that they want a dialogue” with the US. And so even though the report says the insurgency is indigenous in nature — <b>that the estimated 1,300 foreign fighters in Iraq play only a “supporting role” in the violence</b> — the ISG nevertheless recommends engaging Syria as a critical component of our diplomatic offensive on Iraq. ......
...I'll continue to post here, tirelessly, until we reach a point where you are too embarassed, ace, to post such nonsense as a belief that the US expenditure has been "worth it". There was no foreign terrorist threat in Iraq before the US invaded, ace. Powell's presentation to the UN in Feb. ,2003, was bullshit. It was never verified that Zarqawi "sought medical treatment" with the approval of Saddam's government, or that a "poison camp" in Kermal or Kermil, or Khurmal, existed in any area of Iraq that was under the control of Saddam's regime, but there is much evidence that a camp of that name with "terrorists" loyal to Zarqawi, existed in the area under control by the Kurds, and accessible to the Americans.

We were told, after 9/11, that there were "thousands" of "terrorist sleeper cells" in the US, ace, can you point to one that was "busted up", by the US government?

Chimera 01-15-2007 03:11 PM

Quote:

Originally Posted by aceventura3
Some of us, including the Bush administration, still believe we can win, that we can accomplish our original goals.

This would entail finding and destroying stockpiles of weapons of mass destruction, which was the original goal I believe. We would also need to liberate the Iraqi people, as this became the goal shortly after the first one was discarded. Unfortunately, neither of these seem likely in the near future, if only because the first one does not exist, and the second requires ending a civil war.



Sadaam is dead. Sadaam's regime no longer exists.
The connection with 9/11 is Islamic extremist are at war with us. The war front is currently in Iraq. If we leave Iraq, the war won't end. If Islamic extremist obtain and hold Iraq they will expand their offensive. I don't know what would be next, but you can believe the war will continue.

Yes it will, But WE chose this war, and in my opinion mistakenly chose Iraq as the battlefield, rather than Afghanistan. Imagine what we would have accomplished if the Afghan Government had half the resources we have poured into Iraq. Likely there would now be a relatively stable, and growing democracy in the middle east, with a very strong U.S. military presence backing the westernized Afghanistan.
Do you think others.....might be envious of such a place, and perhaps hope for a similar change? Maybe say....The Kurds?




I think you nailed it. Some think this is some kind of a "feel good war", "a war of choice", " a war of US emperialism", etc, etc. This is a war to defend our freedom and the freedom of billions of people in the world, it is not about "national psyche" but far too many people see it in those terms or in terms of "feelings".

In my experience very few people opposed to this war base the leaning on these "Feelings" alone...but indeed this is a war of choice. We Invaded a nation based on poor intellegence, and cannot seem to protect the very people we supposedly Liberated. There was no "Iraqi Attack" which we reacted to, and in fact they were less guilty than many of our close allies. Likely we wont know for a decade at best, why we actually invaded Iraq, as the administration has consistantly blocked access to the Data needed to get the truth.....But it is clear to me, the reasons are not the ones we have been given.

Willravel 01-15-2007 03:17 PM

Quote:

Originally Posted by host
We were told, after 9/11, that there were "thousands" of "terrorist sleeper cells" in the US, ace, can you point to one that was "busted up", by the US government?

There were all those cells that Jack Bauer went after....but that's it.

A lot of people have onest trouble differentiating between the fantasy spun by the media and reality. In reality, there is no evidence to suggest that there are terrorist cells in the US. There is no evidence that Saddam was a threat to the US. There is no evidence that the war in Iraq has decreased terrorism, in fact there is staggaring evidence that shows it has INCREASED terrorism substantially. There is no evidence that the US has done anything but hurt Afghanistan, and now warlord are making millions of dollars on drugs that could easily fund 'terrorism'. There is no evidence that Saddam had weapons of mass destruction following the destruction of most if not all his weapons in the early 90s. There was no link between 9/11 and Iraq whatsoever. There is, however, evidence that the US does not have the funding or manpower to 'win' against the 'terrorists' (they are not actually terrorists, but rebels) in Iraq.

aceventura3 01-15-2007 03:34 PM

Quote:

Originally Posted by mixedmedia
So do you consider Saddam to have been an Islamic extremist?

No.

We took out Sadaam because he was a threat. He used weapons of mass destruction and would develop and use them in the future if he remained in power. He was in violation of, I don't know how many, UN resolutions, he used his military to attack us in the no fly zone. He sponsored terrorists to the tune of $25k. We should have taken him out in the first Gulf War.

mixedmedia 01-15-2007 03:34 PM

Quote:

Originally Posted by Chimera
*snip*.....But it is clear to me, the reasons are not the ones we have been given.

Absolutely. But getting Bush loyalists to admit that we were lied to...even while espousing their own various ad hoc reasons for us going to war...is like pulling teeth. I'm not sure why it's so difficult to admit when faced with the obvious.

roachboy 01-15-2007 03:37 PM

i was thinking about this while i ws being dragged around outside on the far end of a huskyleash: the "national psyche" as a construct, the ideal-typical recipient for conservative ideological memes, and so the subject-position built into those memes, taken in sequence: the optimized receiver post, the presumed addressee of these messages. when you read them, or receive them (these memes) you can allow yourself to be enframed by them, so they appear to speak to and for you. since this positioning is never without accompanying claims, this act of being-enframed (interpellation in althusserspeak) is never neutral: so you position yourself as you allow yourself to be positioned, and you position yourself via assent as an element within this "national psyche".....and because the whole of conservative ideology is predicated on the notion of the nation, and within that on the notion of a "national will" it follows that to position yourself as an element within the "national psyche" is to position yourself on conservative ideological grounds.

conservatives like to imagine this national will/national psyche as being identical with themselves, politically speaking, and by extension as being "unified" it would follow that the "national pysche" or will has to be referenced in the singular, as if by dissenting you fall outside of it, fall outside of the "nation" as conservative like to think of it.

seems a pretty effective way of getting folk to police what they think, doesnt it? and to experience it, all you need to do is buy the underlying mythology enough that conservative ideological propositions--which effectively tell you how to react as they tell you about the world as that ideology allow it to be understood--seem to make sense to you intuitively.

if that happens, then dissent in any meaningful sense of the term threatens to push you off the edge of the earth. and all that is Out There is chaos.
so it is no wonder that you worry about that, mr jazz: if you find these types of sentences to be compelling, and you read them as they "should" be read, you react as you are instructed to without that requiring much of any effort beyond the normal assimilation of infotainment in written form.

its all about this goofball noun "nation" and what it entails.
and in the hands of the right, that noun is about the least democratic possible. because its inclusive effects are all about exclusion. what you see in it depends on where you find yourself falling in relation to the propositions that use it.

i dont find anything commonsensical about that word. i dont find it to be anything other than an ideological function.
when i read books of american history written by americans, i find the same tic everywhere: the american mind, the american people, the american nation: all are first person plural names that get to run around and do things: it (the noun) assesses, reacts, does stuff, goes to a bar, has a few beverages, stumbles home, like the good mr. zappa talked about back in the day.
it is all about a strange, and very particular fantasy of unity where none necessarily exists.
i have never understood why americanists indulge this particular mythology, but they do, and all the bloody time.
i guess the word "nation" appeals at some level, so the host of analytic problems that should be raised about it arent raised.
and so all these first person plural standins for nation get to do stuff.
very strange.
anyway, without the notion of nation, conservative ideology has no signifieds. it already has no referent, but in that it is not different from anything else.


the material host posted above gets to the same point, i think, in a kind of historically oriented fashion.

i wonder if this qualifies as a rant.
huh.

mixedmedia 01-15-2007 03:38 PM

Quote:

Originally Posted by aceventura3
No.

We took out Sadaam because he was a threat. He used weapons of mass destruction and would develop and use them in the future if he remained in power. He was in violation of, I don't know how many, UN resolutions, he used his military to attack us in the no fly zone. He sponsored terrorists to the tune of $25k. We should have taken him out in the first Gulf War.

So he was not an Islamic extremist, yet it was fitting to wage an all-out war against Iraq in the fight against Islamic extremism? Why does this make sense to you?

aceventura3 01-15-2007 03:50 PM

Quote:

Originally Posted by The_Jazz
So the WMD are going to magically appear someday?

No
Quote:

Even if I temporarily conceed that they did exist and were spirited away to Syria, they're never going to materialize. That was the majority of the arguement for our invasion in the first place.
Other reasons were given as well.
Quote:

Our goals then shifted to making Iraq "safe for democracy", etc. but I don't see how anyone can consider us closer to those goals now.
In war, conditions change. We are in war with an enemy that adapts to changing conditions they develop plans and strategies just as we do. We have unrealistic expectaions involving wars today.
Quote:

I don't think that I was clear enough with my description of the email, but there was a definite tone linking Iraq to Al Qaida.
The Germans had nothing to do with Peril Harbor. We declared war on Germany and Japan. The two were linked. Sadaam and Al Qaida had a common enemy, it was us.
Quote:

However, I think that what I highlighted in your statement is the gist of my arguement - the war won't end.
it will end when we win.
Quote:

I think it's important to note that the war won't end if we stay either.
We will have a military presence in the Middle East for decades into the future. Regardless of which party has control of the White House.
Quote:

The big problem is that there's no real way to quantify sucess in this conflict.
No civilian casualties due to terrorists attacks in our borders.
Quote:

The only positives are lack of negatives. Given that there are lots of negatives, it appears (whether it's true or not) that we're losing.
Not in my view. My biggest concern is that we don't have the will to finish the job and we will leave it for future generations to fight.
Quote:

I can't accept this statement in any fashion. If this were a war about defending our freedoms, we would have done better to focus on real threats to our freedom, such as the Chinese who seized an American military plane operating in internation airspace months before the Iraq war. Or we could have faced off against the North Koreans who I think I can easily catagorize as the loudest saber rattler in the world. If it were about getting the terrorists, why didn't we go after the head of the snake in the Saudi and Egyptian citizens that finance Al Qaida et al? Make no bones about it, the Bush administration chose to prosecute this war in the face of diplomacy. We chose the time and place for it and followed through on our threats.
If you disagree on strategy that is one thing, but I am not sure you agree with the threat to our freedom. If that is true why are you concerned about North Korea, etc, etc.

Quote:

Originally Posted by mixedmedia
So he was not an Islamic extremist, yet it was fitting to wage an all-out war against Iraq in the fight against Islamic extremism? Why does this make sense to you?

I understand the confusion but the two are seperate issues. If 9/11 never happened and there were no Islamic extremist wanting to kill us, Sadaam would have still been a problem. At some point there would have been a confrontation. I am relived it happened when he was in a weakened state with no weapons of mass destruction or chemical weapons, aren't you? Don't you agree, that Sadaam was a problem, that he wanted to re-build his military, that he wanted to control the Middle East and cause great harm to the US?

Quote:

Originally Posted by mixedmedia
Absolutely. But getting Bush loyalists to admit that we were lied to...even while espousing their own various ad hoc reasons for us going to war...is like pulling teeth. I'm not sure why it's so difficult to admit when faced with the obvious.

O.k. you were lied to. Bush tried to sugar coat the fact that we wanted to use Iraq as the global front in the war on terror. Removing Sadaam was a secondary benefit. But, wait - he actually said that, he just did not put enough emphsis on it, so you are still right you were lied to.

Also, he lied because he left some with the impression the threat was more imminent than it actually was. I think we are splitting hairs. I think it all depends on how you define imminent, as Bill would say.

Willravel 01-15-2007 04:08 PM

Quote:

Originally Posted by aceventura3
Other reasons were given as well.

Two were given: WMDs and a link to al Qaeda. Not only have those proven to be faulty, but it is clear now that evidence that went against those two ascertions was ignored by the administration.
Quote:

Originally Posted by aceventura3
In war, conditions change. We are in war with an enemy that adapts to changing conditions they develop plans and strategies just as we do. We have unrealistic expectaions involving wars today.

Conditions change, but Saddam didn't go back in time and destroy his weapons or disable his links with the al Qaeda terrorist organization. Those simply were false ascertions made by our gallary of ignorance better known as the Buhs administration.
Quote:

Originally Posted by aceventura3
The Germans had nothing to do with Peril Harbor. We declared war on Germany and Japan. The two were linked. Sadaam and Al Qaida had a common enemy, it was us.

Germany attacked our allies and was a clear and immediate threat to us. The same cannot be said of Iraq.
Quote:

Originally Posted by aceventura3
it will end when we win.

This is exactly the point. If we can't win, this will never end.
Quote:

Originally Posted by aceventura3
No civilian casualties due to terrorists attacks in our borders.

Which is like saying that we are winning the war against the martians becuase they havn't attacked. We were never in any danger.
Quote:

Originally Posted by aceventura3
If you disagree on strategy that is one thing, but I am not sure you agree with the threat to our freedom. If that is true why are you concerned about North Korea, etc, etc.

Odd language. They aren't a threat to our safety, they are a threat to our "freedom"? Are they carving up the BOR? Are they getting wire taps without warrents? Are they suspending Habius Corupus?

"Terrorists" are not a threat to our freedom. They *might* be a threat to our safety becuase they have been galvanized together becuase the US attacked Iraq without provocation, but they are certinally not a threat to our freedom.
Quote:

Originally Posted by aceventura3
I understand the confusion but the two are seperate issues. If 9/11 never happened and there were no Islamic extremist wanting to kill us, Sadaam would have still been a problem. At some point there would have been a confrontation. I am relived it happened when he was in a weakened state with no weapons of mass destruction or chemical weapons, aren't you? Don't you agree, that Sadaam was a problem, that he wanted to re-build his military, that he wanted to control the Middle East and cause great harm to the US?

Saddam wasn't a problem, though, and that's clear as crystal now. He had no links to any terrorist organization, and he had no real weapons. As was made clear by the Shock and Awe massacre, we would wipe the floor with him and get almost no collateral damage in he process. Saddam was losing control of his country, he was starting to go broke, he had lost most of his allies, and revolution was on the horizon. Saddam wanted to rebuild his military, but he didn't have the means.

Saddam was no threat to us. He was even losing his power in his own country.

aceventura3 01-15-2007 04:25 PM

Quote:

Originally Posted by willravel
Two were given: WMDs and a link to al Qaeda. Not only have those proven to be faulty, but it is clear now that evidence that went against those two ascertions was ignored by the administration.

Primary reason was our global war on terror.

Quote:

Conditions change, but Saddam didn't go back in time and destroy his weapons or disable his links with the al Qaeda terrorist organization. Those simply were false ascertions made by our gallary of ignorance better known as the Buhs administration.
We were wrong about weapons of mass destruction. Isn't that a good thing? Al Qaeda was not directly linked to Sadaam, Bush has said that many, many times.

Quote:

Germany attacked our allies and was a clear and immediate threat to us. The same cannot be said of Iraq.
We acted sooner in the war on terror than we did in WWII. Isn't that a good thing? If we had a re-do on WWII I know I would have acted sooner, not later.

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This is exactly the point. If we can't win, this will never end.
As long as others want to steal the lives and freedoms of others, the fight will continue, don't you agree at least in theory?

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Which is like saying that we are winning the war against the martians becuase they havn't attacked. We were never in any danger.
This is real, not fantasy.

Quote:

Odd language. They aren't a threat to our safety, they are a threat to our "freedom"? Are they carving up the BOR? Are they getting wire taps without warrents? Are they suspending Habius Corupus?
They want us dead. They want our allies wiped off of the map. They want you to be Muslim and live by their rules or die. I don't understand your point.

Quote:

"Terrorists" are not a threat to our freedom. They *might* be a threat to our safety becuase they have been galvanized together becuase the US attacked Iraq without provocation, but they are certinally not a threat to our freedom.
Perhaps some kind hearted person can go and interview them and findout what they want? I think that person would be murdered.

Quote:

Saddam wasn't a problem, though, and that's clear as crystal now. He had no links to any terrorist organization, and he had no real weapons. As was made clear by the Shock and Awe massacre, we would wipe the floor with him and get almost no collateral damage in he process. Saddam was losing control of his country, he was starting to go broke, he had lost most of his allies, and revolution was on the horizon. Saddam wanted to rebuild his military, but he didn't have the means.

Saddam was no threat to us. He was even losing his power in his own country.
Why did Sadaam invade Kuwait? Why do you think he would not want to do it again? Why did Sadaam send missles into Isreal? Why don't you think he would want to again? Why did Sadaam declare war on Iran? Why do you think he would not do it again? Why did Sadaam kill thousands of his own people? Why do you think he wouldn't do it again? Why did Sadaam burn oil fields? Etc, etc, etc, etc, etc.

Willravel 01-15-2007 04:53 PM

Quote:

Originally Posted by aceventura3
Primary reason was our global war on terror.

No, the primary reason we were there was the WMDs and links to al Qaeda, if you judge by speeches given by Bush, Rice, etc.
Quote:

Originally Posted by aceventura3
We were wrong about weapons of mass destruction. Isn't that a good thing? Al Qaeda was not directly linked to Sadaam, Bush has said that many, many times.

Is it a good thing there were no WMDs? Obviously. He has shown that he's not responsible enough a leader to have weapons when he attacked the Kurds. Bush said in mid 2004, "The reason I keep insisting that there was a relationship between Iraq and Saddam and al Qaeda: because there was a relationship between Iraq and al Qaeda." That's pretty cut and dry.
Quote:

Originally Posted by aceventura3
We acted sooner in the war on terror than we did in WWII. Isn't that a good thing? If we had a re-do on WWII I know I would have acted sooner, not later.

That's not really an apt comparison. Germany had the power to take over all it's neighbors and had one goal: global domination. the al aeda, for example, has goals more like "removeal of Western militaries from the Middle East".
Quote:

Originally Posted by aceventura3
As long as others want to steal the lives and freedoms of others, the fight will continue, don't you agree at least in theory?

I will continue to figh Bush as long as he sees fit to steal our freedoms in the name of a fight that he is making worse. The real quesion is: Who wants to steal our lives and our freedom? There have been no real civilian targets hit on US soil by radical Islamic terrorists.
[QUOTE=aceventura3]This is real, not fantasy.[/QUOTE
Iraq being a threat to the US was fantasy.
Quote:

Originally Posted by aceventura3
They want us dead. They want our allies wiped off of the map. They want you to be Muslim and live by their rules or die. I don't understand your point.

You said they are a threat to our freedom. That's silly. How are they keeping us from practicing free religion, press or speech? It's nonesense language intended to stir motions and cloud logic. If there is anyone or any organziation that is a threat to our freedoms, it has been made clear it is the current administration.
Quote:

Originally Posted by aceventura3
Perhaps some kind hearted person can go and interview them and findout what they want? I think that person would be murdered.

And if they sent someone over here to figure out why we keep bombing them and attacking them and getting into wars with them, they would be tortured. So?
Quote:

Originally Posted by aceventura3
Why did Sadaam invade Kuwait?

Saddam invaded Kuwait because of he made the false assumption that Kuwait was a part of Iraq and that Kuwait had been slant drilling in other Iraqi territories.
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Originally Posted by aceventura3
Why do you think he would not want to do it again?

He can want to do things all he wants but Kuwait has a lot of allies because of their oil, and Saddam had lost his ability to make war.
Quote:

Originally Posted by aceventura3
Why did Sadaam send missles into Isreal?

You mean the scuds back in 1991? Iraq was trying to provoke Israel into unilateral action. Again, we're talking about then, when Saddam has military power, and 2003, when he had almost none.
Quote:

Originally Posted by aceventura3
Why don't you think he would want to again?

He can't. After the early 90s, Saddam no longer had the means to wage war.
Quote:

Originally Posted by aceventura3
Why did Sadaam declare war on Iran?

Saddam invaded Iran after many border disputes and after Iran was calling for Saddam's regime to be overthrown.
Quote:

Originally Posted by aceventura3
Why do you think he would not do it again?

Why? Iran would have raped Iraq had he tried anything after the early 90s. Iran is actually quite powerful. Iraq became nothing more than a bug.
Quote:

Originally Posted by aceventura3
Why did Sadaam kill thousands of his own people?

He couldn't control his family, government and he is quick to rash action.
Quote:

Originally Posted by aceventura3
Why do you think he wouldn't do it again?

Again, he lacks the means.
Quote:

Originally Posted by aceventura3
Why did Sadaam burn oil fields?

Duh.

Mojo_PeiPei 01-15-2007 05:20 PM

Actually Will Saddam had well documented ties to Palestinian terror groups and Ansar Al-Islam a group with ties to Al Qaeda who operate out of Kurdistan. As for the weapons issue, there have been weapons found, there have been precursors found, there has been evidence found atesting to programs being in place, just because we didn't a million gallons of Anthrax doesn't mean there weren't weapons found.

Also last time I checked Bush hasn't suspended Habeaus Corpus as no American citizens, except for Jose Padilla, have been held in any matter contrary to normal American common/criminal/civil law, and at the same time if memory serves Padilla's detention was upheld by the courts; also his FISA wire taps have not been deemed illegal by American courts, so unless I missed something in recent months that would counter my statements made you should really stop levying such accusations.

Quote:

Originally Posted by willravel
No, the primary reason we were there was the WMDs and links to al Qaeda, if you judge by speeches given by Bush, Rice, etc.

Agreed.

Quote:

That's not really an apt comparison. Germany had the power to take over all it's neighbors and had one goal: global domination. the al aeda, for example, has goals more like "removeal of Western militaries from the Middle East".
Such a statement about Al Qaeda is disingenuous, their purpose is Jihad and establishing the Caliphate again.

Quote:

I will continue to figh Bush as long as he sees fit to steal our freedoms in the name of a fight that he is making worse. The real quesion is: Who wants to steal our lives and our freedom? There have been no real civilian targets hit on US soil by radical Islamic terrorists.
What Freedoms have been stolen from me again? I've asked this many times here, never gotten a legit straight forward answer... if I didn't know better I'd think it was baseless...

Oh yeah and (cough) 9/11.

Quote:

You said they are a threat to our freedom. That's silly. How are they keeping us from practicing free religion, press or speech? It's nonesense language intended to stir motions and cloud logic. If there is anyone or any organziation that is a threat to our freedoms, it has been made clear it is the current administration.
They seemed to do a decent job of disrupting things in Spain a few years back, perhaps if they were able to strike here again, and more people had a mentality such as yours our freedoms could be in trouble.

Willravel 01-15-2007 05:56 PM

Quote:

Originally Posted by Mojo_PeiPei
Actually Will Saddam had well documented ties to Palestinian terror groups and Ansar Al-Islam a group with ties to Al Qaeda who operate out of Kurdistan. As for the weapons issue, there have been weapons found, there have been precursors found, there has been evidence found atesting to programs being in place, just because we didn't a million gallons of Anthrax doesn't mean there weren't weapons found.

I guess the question was: if you were the president and had the benifit of hindsight, would you have attacked a basically defenseless country?
Quote:

Originally Posted by Mojo_PeiPei
Also last time I checked Bush hasn't suspended Habeaus Corpus as no American citizens, except for Jose Padilla, have been held in any matter contrary to normal American common/criminal/civil law, and at the same time if memory serves Padilla's detention was upheld by the courts; also his FISA wire taps have not been deemed illegal by American courts, so unless I missed something in recent months that would counter my statements made you should really stop levying such accusations.

Habeaus Corpus was suspended when the Senate that passed the Military Commissions Act of 2006. The habeays provision in the act violates a clause in the Constitution that says the right to challenge detention shall not be suspended except in cases of rebellion or invasion. As it is clear that we are not dealing with a rebelion or invasion, this is a breach of the Constitution.

Why does Habeaus Corpus hate America?
Quote:

Originally Posted by Mojo_PeiPei
Such a statement about Al Qaeda is disingenuous, their purpose is Jihad and establishing the Caliphate again.

Jihad isn't a purpous. Jihad is a call to arms, but it doesn't give the "why". As far as Caliphate, that is a long term goal. The immediate goal is to remove all outside influences, mainly including Western powers, but also including Israel.
Quote:

Originally Posted by Mojo_PeiPei
What Freedoms have been stolen from me again? I've asked this many times here, never gotten a legit straight forward answer... if I didn't know better I'd think it was baseless...

Habeaus Corpus can be suspended legally now. Let me break down what that means:
First Ammendment: if you're in prison, you wave your rights
(as we already see in our prison system)
Second Ammendment: do you think you can have a gun in prison?
Third Ammendment: A OK
Fourth Ammendment: you can be searched for any reason a any time in prison.
Fifth Ammendment: Due process? Obviously not.
Sixth: No lawyers if you skip the trials.
Seventh: Speedy trials? It happened so fast that no one saw it!
Eighth: No bail if you skip the trial.
You get the idea....

NOT ONLY THAT, but wiretaps no longer require the FISA court, apparently. You can be wire tapped for no reason at any time, be you a US citizen or not. You ask how your freedoms have been effected, and I've answered.
Quote:

Originally Posted by Mojo_PeiPei
They seemed to do a decent job of disrupting things in Spain a few years back, perhaps if they were able to strike here again, and more people had a mentality such as yours our freedoms could be in trouble.

Again, how in God's name does a terror attack effect my freedoms? The only way it effects our freedoms is it allows our leaders, and their enemies, to make bullshit laws that don't even take into consideration that we have a Bill of Rights.

BTW, the 9/11 attack was a military operation and struck 2 military targets. Let's not pretend that the attacks on the Twin Towers or the Pentagon would be the same as a biological attack in downtown Baltimore or a nuke going off in Denver.

shakran 01-15-2007 06:25 PM

Quote:

Originally Posted by desal75
I'm intrigued by the way this thread has become less about politics and more about teaching me how to use this forum.

Well, be glad. Instead of ignoring you for posting pointless posts, we're trying to bring you into the fold. Smile, and join us :)

Quote:

What is Fark anyway?
http://www.fark.com


Quote:

As for palatable, I wasn't trying to force what I think is or isn't on anyone. I was simply stating that what is needed is different to different people. Some would argue that any loss of life due to war is unnecessary. Others see justifiable reasons for killing and death, no matter on what scale.
so in other words you didn't say much of anything. That's kind of like saying "you're either 100% wet, or 100% dry, or somewhere in between." We all already know that there are lots of opinions on what is or is not palatable. We want to know YOUR opinion.

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The grey area is that in any conflict there is no easy answer.

When did you get the idea that I thought any of the possible answers would be easy? They're not. They're all hard. Unfortunately ALL of the possible answers end up in a worse situation than we had before.

Quote:

Especially in conflicts like Iraq where the opposition isn't easily distinguished and the goals not easily expressed.
Well that's half the problem isn't it. The goals keep changing, and they've always been nebulous. Hell that's more than half the problem, that's the whole problem.

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Even the notion of winning or losing a conflict such as this is not easily defined.
It would be if we'd set solid goals and work toward them, but the Incompetent-In-Chief won't do that, so we shouldn't be there until we can define it.

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Some would say victory has already been achieved
Yeah, Bush tried that from the deck of a carrier. Unfortunately for him, no one buys it any more.

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while some would argue that victory can never be attained. The grey is that both arguements have merit.
No, they don't, and they can't until as you said, we know what victory is. Once we've defined what victory is, we can determine whether we can do it, and how to do it. Until then, we're just spinning our wheels getting our troops killed.

host 01-15-2007 09:38 PM

Quote:

Originally Posted by aceventura3
No

Other reasons were given as well....

...No civilian casualties due to terrorists attacks in our borders.

Not in my view. My biggest concern is that we don't have the will to finish the job and we will leave it for future generations to fight.

If you disagree on strategy that is one thing, <b>but I am not sure you agree with the threat to our freedom.</b> If that is true why are you concerned about North Korea, etc, etc.

ace, sometimes I envy you. It is so much easier to blot out all of the contradictions and simply <b>believe....like you do.</b> My head is about ready to explode, because of one question....believe ??? Believe what ???

Quote:

http://www.huffingtonpost.com/charle...i_b_37443.html

He didn't attack us on 9/11, nor did any of the hijackers act on his behalf.

He didn't finance the Bin Laden construction company or Osama Bin Laden in any way.

He didn't give safe haven to Bin Laden or any of the terrorists.

He did not condone Al Quaeda.

He did not have weapons of mass destruction.

He did not have a nuclear program.

He posed no credible threat to the safety or security of the United States directly.

He never said he wanted us all dead and then followed that statement up by testing a nuclear device.

He did not financially support madrases directly, training radicalized Islamic fascists that would later threaten our country (that's Saudi Arabia).

He did not cut off the oil supply to the world, or to us.....

....And the truth is the only reason I can come up with as to why he is dead is because George W. Bush wanted him that way, and in a hurry. Bush wanted him dead before our new Congress was even seated, odd, don't you think? Hundreds of my listeners do, people that email my radio show on KGO AM 810. The fact that he was killed before our new lawmakers took to their seats was not lost on them. When opening the phones after Hussein's death, the key phrase for the evening was "dead men tell no tales." Because the Iraqis had plenty of time to rise up and kill him and they didn't, and the international community had almost 25 years to take him to task for the gassing of the Kurds, the killings in a village, but instead of killing him they continued to do business with him, ourselves included....
They've consistently used the troops as props, cannon fodder, and muzzled them:
Quote:

Quote:

http://www.baltimoresun.com/news/nat...ck=1&cset=true
Better armor lacking for new troops in Iraq

By David Wood
Sun reporter
Originally published January 10, 2007
WASHINGTON // The thousands of troops that President Bush is expected to order to Iraq will join the fight largely without the protection of the latest armored vehicles that withstand bomb blasts far better than the Humvees in wide use, military officers said.

Vehicles such as the Cougar and the M1117 Armored Security Vehicle have proven ability to save lives, but production started late and relatively small numbers are in use in Iraq, mostly because of money shortages, industry officials said.

More than 1,000 American troops have been killed by roadside bombs since the war began in March 2003. At present there are fewer than 1,000 of the new armored trucks in Iraq. At $500,000 to $700,000 each, they cost more than twice as much as a standard Humvee, but already they are proving their worth.

"They are expensive, but they are going to save lives," said Gen. James T. Conway, commandant of the Marine Corps, during a recent trip to Iraq, where he reviewed the service's effort to get more of the vehicles.

Most American troops patrol in the 20,000 Humvees the Pentagon has sent to Iraq. Most of those vehicles have been layered with added armor plating as the Pentagon has struggled over the past three years to counter the increasingly powerful and sophisticated roadside bombs,....

....Today, the Marines are moving quickly to buy and deploy combat vehicles with a key design improvement over the Humvee: They are built with a V-shaped hull that deflects a blast up and outward, leaving passengers shaken, but alive.

Under a $125 million contract, the Marines are buying 100 Cougar and 44 Buffalo armored trucks, known collectively as MRAP, for Mine Resistant Ambush Protected vehicles, made by Force Protection Inc., a small company in Ladson, S.C. The firm is producing 40 vehicles a month, said its vice president, Mike Aldrich, a retired Army officer educated at West Point.

Aldrich said the design grew out of a joint Army and Marine Corps request "designed to literally stop the bleeding from up-armored Humvees in some of the most dangerous areas in Iraq and Afghanistan."

The military services said last month that they need 4,060 of the MRAP vehicles, with 2,500 for the Army, 538 for the Navy and 1,022 for the Marines. The delivery schedule is uncertain. Meanwhile, a permanent replacement for the Humvee, incorporating the latest design and armor improvements, is years away, Pentagon officials said, and mired in technical and cost disputes.

Separately, the Army is buying the 15-ton M1117 armored vehicle for its military police. The V-hull vehicles were in production in the late 1990s but were canceled by the Army as unnecessary. In June 2004, the service decided that it needed them after all. The Army has said it needs 2,600.

Today, Textron Inc. is producing 48 per month at its New Orleans plant under a contract for 1,250 vehicles.

"That's all they had the money for," said Clay Moise, vice president for business development for Textron's Marine and Land division.

But a lack of money only partly explains why, four years into the war, there is a shortage of vehicles that can effectively survive an IED.......
Quote:

http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn...011100389.html
At Fort Benning, a Quiet Response to a Presidential Visit

By Peter Baker
Washington Post Staff Writer
Friday, January 12, 2007; Page A12

....To ensure that there would be no discordant notes here, Maj. Gen. Walter Wojdakowski, the base commander,

<b>prohibited the 300 soldiers who had lunch with the president from talking with reporters..</b> If any of them harbored

doubts about heading back to Iraq, many for the third time, they were kept silent.......

The Iraq war is in "the shit", ace. Gates is not qualified and he knows that it is a hopeless situation for US troops to be in the midst of:
[quote]
Quote:

http://www.cbsnews.com/stories/2007/...n2353049.shtml
Iraq Plan Draws Criticism, Mockery On Hill
President's Plan To Send More Troops To Iraq Meets Opposition From Both Democrats And Republicans
Jan. 11, 2007

.....At one point Gates, just three weeks on the job, told lawmakers, "I would confess I'm no expert on Iraq."

Later, asked about reaching the right balance between American and Iraqi forces, he told the panel he was "no expert on military matters." .....
Quote:

http://www.tpmmuckraker.com/archives/002330.php
Gates: Iraq is Four Wars in One
By Paul Kiel - January 12, 2007, 12:19 PM

Secretary of Defense Robert Gates, like his infamously inconstant predecessor, still won't admit that Iraq is in a state of civil war, but that non-civil war is apparently, one of four ongoing wars in Iraq.

From today's testimony before the Senate Armed Services Committee:

Quote:

There are four wars going on in Iraq right now, simultaneously: Shia on Shia conflict in the south; sectarian violence, particularly in Baghdad, but also in Diyala and a couple of other provinces; an insurgency; and Al Qaeda.
Watch Robert Gates:
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mw6owUAmeXY&eurl=
<br><br>

Quote:

http://www.guardian.co.uk/Iraq/Story/0,,1989397,00.html

'The jihad now is against the Shias, not the Americans'


As 20,000 more US troops head for Iraq, Ghaith Abdul-Ahad, the only correspondent reporting regularly from behind the country's sectarian battle lines, reveals how the Sunni insurgency has changed

Saturday January 13, 2007
The Guardian

.....On his mobile phone he proudly showed me grainy images of dead bodies lying in the street, their hands tied behind their backs . He claimed they were Shia agents and that he had killed them. "There is a new jihad now," he said, echoing Abu Omar's warning. "The jihad now is against the Shia, not the Americans."

In Ramadi there was still jihad against the Americans because there were no Shia to fight, but in Baghdad his group only attacked the Americans if they were with Shia army forces or were coming to arrest someone.

"We have been deceived by the jihadi Arabs," he admitted, in reference to al-Qaida and foreign fighters. "They had an international agenda and we implemented it. But now all the leadership of the jihad in Iraq are Iraqis.".....

Since it's 2006 purchase of Knight-Ridder, ace, McClatchy is one of the largest US new services. Read this. It is not an op-ed, it is a news article:
Quote:

http://www.realcities.com/mld/krwash...hington_nation
Posted on Sun, Jan. 14, 2007
Administration leaving out important details on Iraq
By MARK SEIBEL
McClatchy Newspapers

<h3>WASHINGTON - President Bush and his aides, explaining their reasons for sending more American troops to Iraq, are offering an incomplete, oversimplified and possibly untrue version of events there that raises new questions about the accuracy of the administration's statements about Iraq.</h3>

President Bush unveiled the new version on Wednesday during his nationally televised speech announcing his new Iraq policy.

"When I addressed you just over a year ago, nearly 12 million Iraqis had cast their ballots for a unified and democratic nation," he said. "We thought that these elections would bring Iraqis together - and that as we trained
Iraqi security forces, we could accomplish our mission with fewer American troops.

"But in 2006, the opposite happened. The violence in Iraq - particularly in Baghdad - overwhelmed the political gains Iraqis had made. Al-Qaida terrorists and Sunni insurgents recognized the mortal danger that Iraq's election
posed for their cause. And they responded with outrageous acts of murder aimed at innocent Iraqis.

"They blew up one of the holiest shrines in Shia Islam - the Golden Mosque of Samarra - in a calculated effort to provoke Iraq's Shia population to retaliate," Bush said. "Their strategy worked. Radical Shia elements, some supported by Iran, formed death squads. And the result was a vicious cycle of sectarian violence that continues today."

That version of events helps to justify Bush's "new way forward" in Iraq, in which U.S. forces will largely target Sunni insurgents and leave it to Iraq's U.S.-backed Shiite government to - perhaps - disarm its allies in Shiite
militias and death squads.

But the president's account understates by at least 15 months when Shiite death squads began targeting Sunni politicians and clerics. It also ignores the role that Iranian-backed Shiite groups had in death squad activities
prior to the Samarra bombing.

Blaming the start of sectarian violence in Iraq on the Golden Dome bombing risks policy errors because it underestimates the depth of sectarian hatred in Iraq and overlooks the conflict's root causes. The Bush account
also fails to acknowledge that Iranian-backed Iraqi Shiite groups stoked the conflict.

President Bush met at the White House in November with the head of one of those groups: Abdul Aziz al-Hakim of the Supreme Council for the Islamic Revolution in Iraq. SCIRI's Badr Organization militia is widely reported to have
infiltrated Iraq's security forces and to be involved in death squad activities.

Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice recited Bush's history of events on Thursday in fending off angry questioning from Sen. Barbara Boxer, D-Calif., about why Rice had offered optimistic testimony about Iraq during a Senate

Foreign Relations Committee hearing in October 2005.

"The president has talked repeatedly now about the changed circumstances that we faced after the Samarra bombing of February `06, because that bombing did in fact change the character of the conflict in Iraq," Rice said. "Before that, we were fighting al-Qaida; before that, we were fighting some insurgents, some Saddamists."

She cited the version again in an appearance later that day before the House Foreign Affairs Committee. "This is a direct result of al-Qaida activity," she said, asking House members not to consider Iraq's sectarian violence as
evidence that Iraqis cannot live together.

Bush's national security adviser Stephen Hadley used the same version of events in an appearance Sunday on NBC's "Meet the Press."

Much like the administration's pre-war claims about Saddam's alleged ties to al-Qaida and purported nuclear weapons program, the claims about the bombing of the Shiite mosque in Samarra ignore inconvenient facts and highlight questionable but politically useful assumptions........

.....Beginning in 2002, the administration's case for a pre-emptive war in Iraq was plagued by similar oversights, oversimplifications, misjudgments and misinformation. Unlike the administration's claims about the Samarra bombing,

however, much of that information was peddled by Iraqi exiles and defectors and accepted by some eager officials and journalists.

The best known of those pre-war claims was that Saddam had weapons of mass destruction and had reconstituted his nuclear weapons program - Bush's primary stated reason for invading Iraq.

Administration officials and their allies also claimed that Saddam had trained terrorists to hijack airplanes; that a Saddam emissary had met with lead Sept. 11 hijacker Mohammed Atta in Prague; that Iraq had purchased aluminum
tubes that could be used only to enrich uranium for nuclear weapons; that Iraq had attempted to buy uranium from the African country of Niger; that Iraqis would greet American troops as liberators; and that Iraqi oil revenues
ould cover most of the cost of the war.

The administration has continued to offer inaccurate information to Congress, the American people and sometimes to itself. The Iraq Study Group, in its December report, concluded, for example, that the U.S. military was
systematically under-reporting the violence in Iraq in an effort to disguise policy failings. The group recommended that the military change its reporting system.

Whether many of the administration's statements about Iraq for nearly five years have been deliberately misleading or honest but gullible mistakes hasn't been determined. The Senate Intelligence Committee has yet to complete an
investigation into the issue that was begun but stalled when Republicans controlled the committee.....

..."Madam Secretary," said Sen. Bill Nelson, D-Fla., "I have supported you and the administration on the war, and I cannot continue to support the administration's position. I have not been told the truth over and over again by administration witnesses, and the American people have not been told the truth."
Both of Bush's press secretaries have been habitual liars, ace:
[quote]
Quote:

http://thinkprogress.org/2007/01/12/...kin-media-war/


Snow: Michelle Malkin Is A Soldier In The ‘New Media War’ On Biased Iraq Coverage

The American public overwhelmingly opposes Bush’s handling of the war in Iraq and the White House blames the media.

Yesterday on Hugh Hewitt’s radio show, Tony Snow vowed to fight a <a href="http://hughhewitt.townhall.com/Transcript_Page.aspx?ContentGuid=3cebc08f-de3c-4c12-9135-16c922d27712">“new
media war”</a> to combat the coverage:

HH: All right, yesterday, the President also mentioned that there will be lots of carnage on television

screens. Is the administration, and especially the Pentagon, prepared to fight the new media war when that starts

to happen, Tony Snow?

TS: We’ve been fighting it. I mean, it’s not that it has started to happen, it’s been going on for some time.

Snow specifically <a href="http://hughhewitt.townhall.com/Transcript_Page.aspx?ContentGuid=3cebc08f-de3c-4c12-9135-16c922d27712">cited
right-wing blogger</a> Michelle Malkin, who is currently embedded in Iraq, as a soldier for truth in the “media

war”:

What is interesting, Hugh, and you know this as well as anybody else, you’re also starting to see little

glimmers of guys like Michael Yon and others who get over there and they basically embed themselves in Iraq, and

Michelle Malkin’s over there now.

Several times during the interview, Tony Snow referenced Malkin’s work on the <a href="http://mediamatters.org/columns/200612120001">Jamil Hussein “story</a>.”

Michelle Malkin has been obsessed in recent months claiming that Hussein — an Iraqi policeman cited as a source by

the Associated Press in a story about the burning of six people during a sectarian attack — <a href="http://glenngreenwald.blogspot.com/2007/01/credibility-of-right-wing-blogosphere.html">does not exist</a>.

The Iraqi government recently debunked the conspiracy theory, acknowledging that the AP’s source was in fact a <a href="http://news.yahoo.com/s/ap/20070104/ap_on_re_mi_ea/iraq_jamil_hussein_1">police officer in Iraq.</a>
Quote:

Quote:

http://www.whitehouse.gov/news/relea...0070109-2.html
For Immediate Release
Office of the Press Secretary
January 9, 2007

Press Briefing by Tony Snow
White House Conference Center Briefing Room

...Q Tony, this goes to your previous acknowledgment that the President is aware of public anxiety about the

situation in Iraq. What would your guidance be to a public that has seen the President stand under a "Mission

Accomplished" banner, proclaim an end to major combat operations, the Vice President talking about the "last

throes" -- how should the public go into viewing this speech tomorrow?

MR. SNOW: I think the public ought to just listen to what the President has to say. <b>You know that the "Mission

Accomplished" banner was put up by members of the USS Abraham Lincoln. And the President, on that very speech, said

just the opposite, didn't he? He said it was the end of major combat operations, but he did not say it was the end

of operations. Instead, he cautioned people at the time that there would be considerable continued violence in

Iraq, and that there would be continued operations for a long period of time. That single episode has been more

widely mischaracterized than just about any aspect of the war.</b>

Q We can debate whether the sign should have been there, whether the White House should have not had it there, but

the fact is he stood under it and made the speech.

<h3>MR. SNOW: You're right, after people had been on a 17-month deployment, and had said "Mission Accomplished" when

they're finally able to get back to their loved ones, the President didn't say, take down the sign, it will be bad. </h3>

Instead what he did is he talked about the mission. And I would direct you back to the speech he gave then, Peter,

because the President -- .....

The preceding indicates that Tony Snow dredged up lies told by Bush and McClellan, et al, that were already exposed as such, by the press in 2003:

Quote:

Quote:

http://www.whitehouse.gov/news/relea...030501-15.html
For Immediate Release
Office of the Press Secretary
May 1, 2003

President Bush Announces Major Combat Operations in Iraq Have Ended
Remarks by the President from the USS Abraham Lincoln
At Sea Off the Coast of San Diego, California

THE PRESIDENT: Thank you all very much. Admiral Kelly, Captain Card, officers and sailors of the USS Abraham

Lincoln, my fellow Americans: Major combat operations in Iraq have ended. In the battle of Iraq, the United States

and our allies have prevailed. (Applause.) And now our coalition is engaged in securing and reconstructing that

country.....
Quote:

http://edition.cnn.com/2003/US/05/16/nyt.bumiller/
<h3>Keepers of Bush image lift stagecraft to new heights</h3>

By Elisabeth Bumiller
New York Times
Friday, May 16, 2003 Posted: 1108 GMT ( 7:08 PM HKT)

.....The most elaborate — and criticized — White House event so far was Mr. Bush's speech aboard the Abraham

Lincoln announcing the end of major combat in Iraq. White House officials say that a variety of people, including

the president, came up with the idea, and that Mr. Sforza embedded himself on the carrier to make preparations days

before Mr. Bush's landing in a flight suit and his early evening speech.

Media strategists noted afterward that Mr. Sforza and his aides had choreographed every aspect of the event, even

down to the members of the Lincoln crew arrayed in coordinated shirt colors over Mr. Bush's right shoulder and the

"Mission Accomplished" banner placed to perfectly capture the president and the celebratory two words in a single

shot. The speech was specifically timed for what image makers call "magic hour light," which cast a golden glow on

Mr. Bush.

"If you looked at the TV picture, you saw there was flattering light on his left cheek and slight shadowing on his

right," Mr. King said. "It looked great.".....
Quote:

http://www.whitehouse.gov/news/relea...0031028-2.html
For Immediate Release
Office of the Press Secretary
October 28, 2003

President Holds Press Conference
Press Conference by the President
The Rose Garden

..... Q Mr. President, if I may take you back to May 1st when you stood on the USS Lincoln under a huge banner that

said, "Mission Accomplished." At that time you declared major combat operations were over, but since that time

there have been over 1,000 wounded, many of them amputees who are recovering at Walter Reed, 217 killed in action

since that date. Will you acknowledge now that you were premature in making those remarks?

THE PRESIDENT: Nora, I think you ought to look at my speech. I said, Iraq is a dangerous place and we've still got

hard work to do, there's still more to be done. And we had just come off a very successful military operation. I

was there to thank the troops.

<b>The "Mission Accomplished" sign, of course, was put up by the members of the USS Abraham Lincoln, saying that their

mission was accomplished. I know it was attributed some how to some ingenious advance man from my staff -- they

weren't that ingenious, by the way.</b> But my statement was a clear statement, basically recognizing that this phase

of the war for Iraq was over and there was a lot of dangerous work. And it's proved to be right, it is dangerous in

Iraq. It's dangerous in Iraq because there are people who can't stand the thought of a free and peaceful Iraq. It

is dangerous in Iraq because there are some who believe that we're soft, that the will of the United States can be

shaken by suiciders -- and suiciders who are willing to drive up to a Red Cross center, a center of international

help and aid and comfort, and just kill.

It's the same mentality, by the way, that attacked us on September the 11th, 2001: we'll just destroy innocent life

and watch the great United States and their friends and allies crater in the face of hardship. It's the exact same

mentality. And Iraq is a part of the war on terror. I said it's a central front, a new front in the war on terror,

and that's exactly what it is. And that's why it's important for us to be tough and strong and diligent. ....
Quote:

http://www.whitehouse.gov/news/relea...0031029-2.html
For Immediate Release
Office of the Press Secretary
October 29, 2003

Press Briefing by Scott McClellan
The James S. Brady Briefing Room

... Q Scott, did the President misspeak yesterday in the Rose Garden when he talking about the banner that was

behind him when he was on the USS Abraham Lincoln? Did he misspeak when he said the White House --

MR. McCLELLAN: In what way?

Q When he said the White House press advance had nothing to do with --

MR. McCLELLAN: That's not what he said. That's not what he said. Do you recall what he said?

Q He said, I believe --

MR. McCLELLAN: He said -- he said that it was put up by members of the USS Abraham Lincoln saying that their

mission was accomplished. The President was pleased to personally thank our sailors and aviators and naval officers

on board the USS Lincoln for their service and sacrifice after what was a very lengthy deployment. It was the Navy,

the people on board the ship who had the idea of this banner and made the suggestion, because they wanted to have a

way to commemorate the fact that these sailors and the crew on board the ship had completed their mission, after a

very lengthy deployment. And the President was --

Q He also said that his advance team hadn't had any part in it. And you're now -- you're now saying that you

actually did create the banner.

MR. McCLELLAN: That's not what he said. That is not what he said. Look back at what he said. We said all along, and

we said previously that it was the idea -- that the idea of the banner -- for the banner was suggested by those on

board on ship. And they asked --

Q So who ordered --

MR. McCLELLAN: And they asked -- they asked if we could help take care of the production of the banner. And we more

than happy to do so because this is a very nice way to pay tribute to our sailors and aviators and men and women in

the military who are on board that ship for a job well done.

Q Scott, just to follow up , did you not have anything to do, though, with the placement of the banner? I know the

White House often makes sure that things are placed right, behind the President so that when it's on the TV --

MR. McCLELLAN: Of course, our advance people work closely with people at event sites when the President is

participating in an event. But again, this was an idea that was suggested by those on board the ship.

Q Scott, knowing what we know now, that the Navy, apparently they say that they did request this banner, that what

the President said was technically accurate, but would you concede that the gist of what he was saying was

misleading because it left the impression for -- that he was saying that the White House didn't have anything to do

it. You don't think it was misleading?

MR. McCLELLAN: No, that's not what he -- no, that's not what he said.

Q It's not what he said literally, but --

MR. McCLELLAN: And keep in mind what this -- what this --

Q It's what he suggested.

MR. McCLELLAN: That is not what he said. This was about paying tribute to our men and women in the military for a

job well done, for a mission that they had accomplished after a very lengthy deployment. And the President was

proud to do that.

Q Now, given the fact that this was six months ago, and there were lots of questions about this, why did he feel

the need to talk about who made this banner now, as opposed to --

MR. McCLELLAN: Well, one, it came up in a question. But there's been some reporting --

Q -- specifically asked --

MR. McCLELLAN: -- there has been some reporting that mischaracterized the actual event.

Q What do you mean by that?

MR. McCLELLAN: Go ahead, Mark.

Q Are you denying now that the President had the distinct intention at the time of that speech that Americans would

see that picture and think the mission in Iraq has been accomplished, the overall mission?

MR. McCLELLAN: What I'm saying is that this was about paying tribute to our sailors and aviators and naval officers

on board the USS Lincoln. That's what this was about. Let's keep that in context. And the President was pleased to

personally go on board the USS Lincoln and thank our men and women in the military for an outstanding job, for

accomplishing their mission, and for -- when they were returning to the United States.

Q The President did not want Americans to see "mission accomplished" and think, great, the war is over?

MR. McCLELLAN: The idea for the banner and the idea for the sign was suggested by those on board ship. And we were

pleased to help them with that.

Q And he never knew that would be the interpretation, that the mission -- his mission was accomplished?

MR. McCLELLAN: The mission for those people on board the ship was accomplished.

Q But the President didn't know that this would be interpreted throughout the world that we had -- that the combat

mission was over, basically?

MR. McCLELLAN: The major combat operations were over. That's what the President said in his remarks. But he also

went on to say that there are difficulties that remain and dangers that continue to exist, and that it's important

that we stay the course and finish our work and continue to work with the Iraqi people to help them realize a

better future. And that's exactly what we are doing right now.

Q Let me follow up on that. When this happened, when the event happened, all of us reported that the President made

this speech under a banner "mission accomplished." Why at the time did you not say -- take pains to tell us,

actually, it was the Navy's idea, it wasn't ours?

MR. McCLELLAN: I think the reports -- it was later, after the fact, that some of the reports mischaracterized what

had happened. You had a number of men and women in the military on board that ship, sailors, aviators, naval

officers, that were on board that ship, they were returning back to the United States and returning to -- one stop

along their way -- to their home port up in Washington, I believe -- the state of Washington, stopping in San

Diego. And those on board the ship thought it was nice way to say to all those on board the ship, thank you for a

job well done. And the President personally went there to do that.

Q But the President did --

Q I just want to take a break from bannergate for a minute --

Q Could we stay on this, Scott?

MR. McCLELLAN: We can stay on banner. We can stay on banner, and I'll come to it. Go ahead, Ken.

Q I believe you said a little while ago that we previously said that the banner was the idea of the Navy. When did

you previously say that? Can you point to any statements before yesterday?

MR. McCLELLAN: Yes, I think that some of our staff has previously pointed out when asked that the Navy came up with

the idea for the banner. The Navy themself -- if you'll call the people involved --

Q I understand yesterday --

MR. McCLELLAN: -- they would say that.

Q Before yesterday, when did you say that? Can you point us to something?

MR. McCLELLAN: Well, again, there was reporting -- I believe others had said previously that this was something

that was asked for by the Navy because there was previous reporting about this, about the whole banner. And we

pointed out at that point that the banner was something that was suggested by the Navy.

Q When was that?

MR. McCLELLAN: I don't have the exact dates. I didn't bring the articles with me, but if you look back at some of

the coverage, I think you will find it.

Did you have one?

Q Why wasn't this said at the very beginning? Because any reasonable person would look at the photographs and look

at the video and say the President is saying that what the U.S. forces have been doing in the Iraq theater is

essentially over.

MR. McCLELLAN: He said the major combat operations were over in his remarks.

Q That's right. Why wasn't -- but why wasn't it clarified --

MR. McCLELLAN: He was on board the USS Lincoln --

Q -- that the "mission accomplished" banner --

MR. McCLELLAN: He was on board the USS Lincoln that was returning home and there were --

Q But that wasn't said -- .....
Quote:

http://www.cbsnews.com/stories/2003/...in580661.shtml
'Mission Accomplished' Whodunit
W. House Changes Stories On Much-Mocked Banner At Carrier Speech

WASHINGTON, Oct. 29, 2003

(CBS/AP) Six months after he spoke on an aircraft carrier deck under a banner proclaiming "Mission Accomplished,"

President Bush disavowed any connection with the war message. Later, the White House changed its story and said

there was a link.

The "Mission Accomplished" boast has been mocked many times since Mr. Bush's carrier speech as criticism has

mounted over the failed search for weapons of mass destruction and the continuing violence in Iraq.

When it was brought up again Tuesday at a news conference, Mr. Bush said, "The 'Mission Accomplished' sign, of

course, was put up by the members of the USS Abraham Lincoln, saying that their mission was accomplished."

"I know it was attributed somehow to some ingenious advance man from my staff — they weren't that ingenious, by the

way."

That explanation hadn't surfaced during months of questions to White House officials about proclaiming the mission

in Iraq successful while violence continued.

After the news conference, a White House spokeswoman said the Lincoln's crew asked the White House to have the sign

made. The White House asked a private vendor to produce the sign, and the crew put it up, said the spokeswoman. She

said she did not know who paid for the sign.

Later, a Pentagon spokesman called The Associated Press to reiterate that the banner was the crew's idea.

"It truly did signify a mission accomplished for the crew," Navy Cmdr. Conrad Chun said, adding the president's

visit marked the end of the ship's 10-month international deployment.

The president's appearance on the Abraham Lincoln, which was returning home after service in the Persian Gulf,

included his dramatic and much-publicized landing on the ship's deck.....

.....Since Mr. Bush declared an end to major combat in Iraq on May 1, 115 U.S. soldiers have been killed by hostile

fire — more than died in combat before the speech.

In his Rose Garden press conference, Mr. Bush told the reporter who asked about the sign: "I think you ought to

look at my speech. I said, Iraq is a dangerous place and we've still got hard work to do, there's still more to be

done. And we had just come off a very successful military operation. I was there to thank the troops."

The president said his statement "was a clear statement, basically recognizing that this phase of the war for Iraq

was over and there was a lot of dangerous work. And it's proved to be right, it is dangerous in Iraq."

In the May 1 speech, Mr. Bush did note that the job in Iraq was not complete, promising "difficult work" in Iraq

"bringing order to parts of that country that remain dangerous," he said.

Later he added: "The transition from dictatorship to democracy will take time, but it is worth every effort. Our

coalition will stay until our work is done."

But Mr. Bush also sounded a triumphant note, describing the Iraqi operation as a "victory in a war on terror."

"In the battle of Iraq, the United States and our allies have prevailed," he said. "And now our coalition is

engaged in securing and reconstructing that country."

The president's USS Lincoln speech came under scrutiny almost immediately. Democrats claimed the White House wasted

taxpayer dollars and sailors' time on a publicity stunt.

Despite initial claims that the ship was too far out to sea for a helicopter landing, forcing the president to use

a jet, the Lincoln was actually within helicopter range when Mr. Bush arrived.

The jet flight was much more dramatic than a helicopter arrival would have been, as the president took the control

stick for part of the flight and emerged on deck wearing a flight suit and helmet.

In addition, Pentagon officials told the Washington Post that after the president's speech, the Lincoln waited

offshore for hours while he slept rather than heading into port after its 10-month voyage.

On Sept. 16, 2001, Cheney told us that Saddam was "bottled up" and that bin Laden "hated us because of our freedom and democracy.
Cheney and Bush did attempt to address bin Laden's grievance, <h3>by lessening freedom and democracy in the US:</h3>
Quote:

Quote:

http://www.whitehouse.gov/vicepresid...p20010916.html
Camp David, Maryland
September 16, 2001

The Vice President appears on Meet the Press with Tim Russert

....MR. RUSSERT: Osama bin Laden released a training video, 100 minutes long, which was obtained by the Western

media this summer, and I want to show a portion of that to you and give you a chance to respond to it, and we'll

play it right now. ......What's your message this morning to Osama bin Laden?

VICE PRES. CHENEY: Well, I think he seriously misreads the American people. I think the--I mean, you have to ask

yourself, why somebody would do what he does. Why is someone so motivated? Obviously he's filled with hate for the

United States and for everything we stand for...

MR. RUSSERT: Why?

VICE PRES. CHENEY: ...freedom and democracy. ......


........MR. RUSSERT: Saddam Hussein, your old friend, his government had this to say: "The American cowboy is

rearing the fruits of crime against humanity." If we determine that Saddam Hussein is also harboring terrorists,

and there's a track record there, would we have any reluctance of going after Saddam Hussein?

VICE PRES. CHENEY: No.

MR. RUSSERT: Do we have evidence that he's harboring terrorists?

VICE PRES. CHENEY: There is--in the past, there have been some activities related to terrorism by Saddam Hussein.

But at this stage, you know, the focus is over here on al-Qaida and the most recent events in New York. <b>Saddam

Hussein's bottled up, at this point</b>, but clearly, we continue to have a fairly tough policy where the Iraqis

are concerned.....
Quote:

http://aclunc.org/issues/government_...urn_home.shtml
U.S. Citizens Exiled are Allowed to Return Home

A California father and son, who are both American citizens, were finally allowed to re-enter the U.S. on Sunday

after being barred from returning when they refused to cooperate with the FBI....

...Muhammad Ismail, a naturalized U.S. citizen, and <b>his 18-year-old son, Jaber Ismail, who was born in Lodi,

California were stuck in legal limbo in Pakistan, separated from the rest of their family, for nearly half a year.
</b>
The Ismail family's ordeal started on April 21, 2006, when Muhammad, his wife, Jaber, a teenage daughter, and

younger son boarded a plane in Islamabad, excited about returning home to Lodi. The family had moved to Pakistan in

order for Jaber to study the Quran.

On a layover in Hong Kong, airport employees told the family that Muhammad and Jaber could not continue on to the

U.S. The family was told that there was “no record” of Muhammad and Jaber Ismail in the U.S. and that their

passports did not appear in the computer system. This was the only explanation they were given.

“I showed them my birth certificate, my school ID, but they wouldn’t listen,” said Jaber Ismail.

While the rest of the family was allowed to continue home to Lodi, father and son returned to Pakistan--a country

where neither holds citizenship. ..

....After waiting nearly two weeks for their luggage to be returned to them, Muhammad and Jaber Ismail made a second

attempt to return home. Following the embassy's advice, they booked a direct flight from Islamabad to Chicago, with

a connecting flight to San Francisco.

Upon arriving at the Islamabad airport, the Ismails were told by a Pakistani International Airline employee that

they were on the “no-fly” list and could not board the plane without clearance from the U.S. Embassy.

The Ismails returned to the embassy, where a consulate official said that he would contact them with information

about how to proceed. “I couldn’t believe this was happening to us again,” said Jaber Ismail.

Later that week, Jaber was interrogated by two FBI agents, and the source of the ban surfaced. On his passport

application, Jaber had listed his uncle, Umer Hayat, as an emergency contact. Hayat’s son, Hamid Hayat, had been

convicted in Lodi of a terrorism-related crime earlier this year.

Jaber and his father spent several weeks attempting to complete the interrogations and lie detector tests that FBI

agents said were required before they could return home. When family members advised them not to speak to the FBI

further without legal representation, the Ismails invoked their right to remain silent and sought help from the

ACLU-NC.

“In effect, they were being held hostage in Pakistan by the U.S. government and told they could not come home

unless they gave up their right to remain silent,” said ACLU of Northern California (ACLU-NC) staff attorney Julia

Harumi Mass, who filed a complaint with the U.S. Department of Homeland Security on behalf of the Ismails in

August. ..

....On September 6, the Department of Homeland Security’s (DHS) Office of Civil Rights and Civil Liberties contacted

the ACLU-NC. The Homeland Security spokesperson said that DHS had reviewed the complaint and that “changes have

been made as appropriate,” but refused to confirm that the Ismails were free to return home or to provide any other

information.

On Sunday, October 1 the Ismails attempted, for the third time, to return home. This time they

succeeded......
Quote:

http://www.usatoday.com/news/washing...r-powers_x.htm
Posted 12/28/2005 8:57 PM Updated 12/28/2005 9:17 PM
War-powers debate on front burner

......The disputes underscore an old power struggle between the presidency and Congress. <b>Sen. Russ Feingold,

D-Wis., said that if Bush "is asserting a doctrine that he can do anything to protect the American people without

the basis of law, we need to know what those things are."</b>

Some conservatives question Bush's decision to forgo court warrants in conducting the NSA surveillance. Bruce Fein,

who worked in the Justice Department under President Reagan, said Bush acted "with a flagrant disregard for the

separation of powers."

"Will Bush concede there are any limits to his authority to conduct the war on terror?" Fein asked.

A few Democrats are throwing around the "I word": impeachment. Sen. Barbara Boxer, D-Calif., wrote to presidential

scholars, asking them about comments by Richard Nixon's lawyer John Dean that <b>Bush is "the first president to

admit to an impeachable offense."</b>.......

Bush took a record amount of vacation time, and each August, Cheney was on vacation at the same time Bush was.:
Quote:

http://www.tfproject.org/tfp/showpos...03&postcount=9


<a href="http://www.washingtonpost.com/ac2/wp-dyn?pagename=article&contentId=A2676-2004Apr10&notFound=true">(Bush

Gave No Sign of Worry In August 2001 By Dana Milbank and Mike Allen Washington Post Staff Writers Sunday, April 11,

2004)</a>

Quote:

http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn...080201703.html
Vacationing Bush Poised to Set a Record
With Long Sojourn at Ranch, President on His Way to Surpassing Reagan's Total

By Jim VandeHei and Peter Baker
Washington Post Staff Writers
Wednesday, August 3, 2005; Page A04

WACO, Tex., Aug. 2 -- President Bush is getting the kind of break most Americans can only dream of -- nearly five

weeks away from the office, loaded with vacation time.

The president departed Tuesday for his longest stretch yet away from the White House, arriving at his Crawford

ranch in the evening to clear brush, visit with family and friends, and tend to some outside-the-Beltway politics.

By historical standards, it is the longest presidential retreat in at least 36 years.

The August getaway is Bush's 49th trip to his cherished ranch since taking office and Tuesday was the 319th day

that Bush has spent, entirely or partially, in Crawford -- roughly 20 percent of his presidency to date, according

to Mark Knoller, a CBS Radio reporter known for keeping better records of the president's travel than the White

House itself. Weekends and holidays at Camp David or at his parents' compound in Kennebunkport, Maine, bump up the

proportion of Bush's time away from Washington even further....

http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn...123001326.html
Bush Conscripts Aides in Tireless Pursuit of Clearing Ground
By Lisa Rein
Washington Post Staff Writer
Saturday, December 31, 2005; Page A03

CRAWFORD, Tex., Dec. 30 -- <b>On most of the 365 days he has enjoyed at his secluded ranch here,</b> President

Bush's idea of paradise is to hop in his white Ford pickup truck in jeans and work boots, drive to a stand of

cedars, and whack the trees to the ground
<a href="http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2006/07/30/AR2006073000553.html">The president rarely

travels domestically on the weekend and almost never spends the night in a city within easy flying time of

Washington.</a>
Just as he was "working from Wyoming, last year, when Bush was playing guitar and delivering a birthday cake to

John McCain, while Katrina was destroying New Orleans, Mr. Cheney was again on vacation, at the same time that Mr.

Bush was....this year, when the first "red alert" terror warning in post 9/11, US history was issued:
Quote:

http://www.whitehouse.gov/news/relea...0060810-2.html
For Immediate Release
Office of the Press Secretary
August 10, 2006

Press Gaggle by Tony Snow
Aboard Air Force One
En route Green Bay, Wisconsin

9:33 A.M. CDT

.........Q When did the President first learn about this plot and the investigation into it?

MR. SNOW: Again, we're being a little careful on operational details. I think it's safe to say to what I said

before, which is he certainly has been extensively briefed over the last few days as the operation that took place

became more and more imminent.

Q Was part of that during the teleconference on Sunday?

MR. SNOW: Let's see, what day was Sunday, that was the 6th? Yes. Yes. ....

.........Q Are there details about his talk with Blair overnight, you can give? What time it occurred?

MR. SNOW: There was no overnight. That report is false, so there are no details on the fallacious report.

<h3>Q But the President, himself, approved the red alert?

MR. SNOW: Correct. It was a recommendation by the Homeland Security Council, by Secretary Chertoff and others.

Q When did he approve it?

MR. SNOW: Yesterday..........</h3>

.......Q Can I ask you about timing again -- not to keep harping on this, but yesterday when you talked about

raising the white -- you know, saying the Democrats might want to raise the white flag --

MR. SNOW: This was not done in anticipation. It was not said with the knowledge that this was coming.

<b?Q So the Vice President, when he did his incredibly rare conference call with reporters, also didn't know about

it at the time?</b>

MR. SNOW: I don't think so. You'll have to ask, but I can say from our point of view at that point we didn't.....
....."yesterday"....that would be on Aug. 9th, the day that Cheney was making a rare teleconference from his vacation

location in Jackson, Wyoming, sending the message of fear against more voting, that is anything similar to the

Connecticut "anti-war" vote agains Joe Lieberman.
<b>Read my "sig", ace, the quote about how often "we have to be right"! </b>
Quote:

http://www.cbsnews.com/stories/2007/...n2359119.shtml

.....PELLEY: Instability in Iraq threatens the entire region?

BUSH: If the government falls apart and there is sectarian enclaves and violence, it'll invite Iran into the Shia neighborhoods, Sunni extremists into the Sunni neighborhoods, Kurdish separatist movements.....which will end up creating conditions that could lead to attacks here in America.

PELLEY: But wasn't it your administration that created the instability in Iraq?

BUSH: Well, our administration took care of a source of instability in Iraq. <b>Envision a world in which Saddam Hussein was rushing for a nuclear weapon to compete against Iran.</b> My decision to remove Saddam Hussein was the correct decision in my judgment. We didn't find the weapons we thought we would find or the weapons everybody thought he had. <b>But he was a significant source of instability.

PELLEY: It's much more unstable now, Mr. President.</b>
If Bush's GWOT was intended to be something other than an "Op" to terrorize, and thus, control me, I'd need to see a li'l more truth from the white house, more concern and empathy for "the troops" and their families, a president who guesses correctly at least once in a while, and a lot less grandstanding photo ops and vacation time.

mixedmedia 01-16-2007 03:33 AM

Quote:

Originally Posted by aceventura3
O.k. you were lied to. Bush tried to sugar coat the fact that we wanted to use Iraq as the global front in the war on terror. Removing Sadaam was a secondary benefit. But, wait - he actually said that, he just did not put enough emphsis on it, so you are still right you were lied to.

Also, he lied because he left some with the impression the threat was more imminent than it actually was. I think we are splitting hairs. I think it all depends on how you define imminent, as Bill would say.

I believe were lied to because certain strategists in Washington believed that removing Saddam Hussein would inspire a far different reaction from Iraqis than it did and that Iraq would shortly become a model democracy in the ME from which would flow a regional renaissance toward free and open societies which would, in effect, fight terrorism for us. Not an ignoble vision, no. Ignorant of ME history and the level of sectarian volatility? Absolutely, yes.

We were lied to because they knew that Americans would never accept such a grand and visionary adventure. "The threat" was pure smoke and mirrors. But I guess I'm still splitting hairs.

I love it, now when a president lies and someone calls him on it, they're splitting hairs.

I tend think it's very important that they lied. I think it's very important that they decided to use 9/11 to try and make America into the purveyors of an unpopular and untested worldview while Bush and Cheney and Condi and Powell did a little softshoe number in front of the curtain.

I'm probably the most forgiving liberal on this board when it comes to our epic failure. I agree that opening up the ME to democracy and the global economy will marginalize terrorism. As well as make a lot of rich folks a lot richer - that was the "added benefit" - and as a matter of fact, it was what led to one of our biggest mistakes. We pushed away the ME strategists and people in the neo-con movement who would question the efficacy of our plan and strategy in favor of the businessmen who understood it as a monumental opportunity to make money without really understanding the risks involved. As businessmen so often do. They are impatient and under the illusion of their own infallibilty until they lose. And they lost.

shakran 01-16-2007 06:27 AM

Quote:

Originally Posted by mixedmedia
I believe were lied to because certain strategists in Washington believed that removing Saddam Hussein would inspire a far different reaction from Iraqis than it did and that Iraq would shortly become a model democracy in the ME from which would flow a regional renaissance toward free and open societies which would, in effect, fight terrorism for us. Not an ignoble vision, no. Ignorant of ME history and the level of sectarian volatility? Absolutely, yes.

You're forgetting the other 2 reasons. Bush wanted to play army, and Bush wanted revenge because Saddam tried to kill his daddy.


Quote:

We were lied to because they knew that Americans would never accept such a grand and visionary adventure. "The threat" was pure smoke and mirrors.
Absolute power corrupts absolutely. . .


Quote:

I tend think it's very important that they lied. I think it's very important that they decided to use 9/11 to try and make America into the purveyors of an unpopular and untested worldview while Bush and Cheney and Condi and Powell did a little softshoe number in front of the curtain.
I tend to think you're absolutely right. I also tend to think it's pathetic that the American public fell for it, considering the lies were never very good to begin with.


Quote:

I'm probably the most forgiving liberal on this board when it comes to our epic failure. I agree that opening up the ME to democracy and the global economy will marginalize terrorism. As well as make a lot of rich folks a lot richer - that was the "added benefit" - and as a matter of fact, it was what led to one of our biggest mistakes. We pushed away the ME strategists and people in the neo-con movement who would question the efficacy of our plan and strategy in favor of the businessmen who understood it as a monumental opportunity to make money without really understanding the risks involved. As businessmen so often do. They are impatient and under the illusion of their own infallibilty until they lose. And they lost.

Very good summary, and you're right on the money. They purposely excluded anyone with any expertise on the middle east because they knew full well that someone who knew what they were talking about would tell them things they didn't want to hear, such as "it will never work."

aceventura3 01-16-2007 06:36 AM

O.k. let's start fresh with two questions.

Are we at war?
Who declared war first?

mixedmedia 01-16-2007 07:03 AM

Quote:

Originally Posted by aceventura3
O.k. let's start fresh with two questions.

Are we at war?
Who declared war first?

We were at war with Iraq. Now we are mercenary referees in a civil war.

We declared war on Iraq.

shakran 01-16-2007 07:08 AM

1) yes.

2) We did.

Yes, I know, you're going to say that the terrorists declared war first, and that's true. But we chose not to pursue that war. Instead we abandoned Afghanistan (where the guy who declared war on us was hiding) and declared war on Iraq (which was not threatening us, and where NONE of the 9/11 terrorists came from)

dc_dux 01-16-2007 07:25 AM

Quote:

Originally Posted by aceventura3
O.k. let's start fresh with two questions.

Are we at war?
Who declared war first?

In one respect, we are starting fresh with the re-opening of the internal DoD investigation of Douglas Feith on the manipulation of pre-war intelligence to justify an invasion of Iraq. Along with the release of the full Phase II Senate Intel Committee investigaton of the use of pre-war intelligence.

The DoD internal investigation focused specifically on the actions of Feith and the Office of Special Plans (OSP). As earlier as 1998 while at a neo-con think tank, Feith called for the US to remove Saddam, and when he came to the DoD as Rumsfeld's second highest deputy, he created the OSP for the purpose of creating the intelligence to justify such action:
Quote:

Feith led the controversial Office of Special Plans at the Pentagon from September 2002 to June of 2003. This now defunct intelligence gathering unit has been accused of manipulating intelligence to bolster support for the 2003 US invasion of Iraq. According to the British newspaper, The Guardian, "This rightwing intelligence network [was] set up in Washington to second-guess the CIA and deliver a justification for toppling Saddam Hussein by force." According to Feith's former deputy, Lieutenant Colonel Karen Kwiatkowski, the Office of Special Plans was "a propaganda shop" and she personally "witnessed neoconservative agenda bearers within OSP usurp measured and carefully considered assessments, and through suppression and distortion of intelligence analysis promulgate what were in fact falsehoods to both Congress and the executive office of the president."
The Dems on the Senate Armed Services Committee did release a report in 2004 detailing how Feith manpulated intelligence to show a Saddam-al Queda connection (link - pdf)

Rumsfeld and the interim DoD Inspector General successfully stalled the DoD investigation for more than two years, but Gates has assured the new chair of the Armed Servies Committee and the Intel Committee that it will proceed (we shall see).

In any case, how the war (invasion) started is only helpful for historical purposes at this point. The issue that matters is where we go from here to end the quagmire created by such an ideologically driven and ineptly managed folly.

Ace...lets start again with a question that really matters and not rehash why we got to where we are today.

Why do you think the Bush plan is better, and has a greater likelihood of success, than the Biden plan or even the Iraq Study Group recommendations, both of which put a much greater emphasis on political and diplomatic options as the best way forward?

aceventura3 01-16-2007 10:54 AM

I believe we are at war.

I believe war was decared on us by Islamic extremists. I believe we have been in an undeclared war for decades in the ME. Isreal has been at war since it came into being as a country, we are hated in-part due to our support of Isreal. We are also hated because of our freedom and our culture, many Islamic leaders fear both for some reason. We are also hated because we have a presence in the ME, commercially, culturally and militarily.

Quote:

Why do you think the Bush plan is better, and has a greater likelihood of success, than the Biden plan or even the Iraq Study Group recommendations, both of which put a much greater emphasis on political and diplomatic options as the best way forward?
The Bush plan is better than the Iraq Study Group recommendation because the recommendation includes items outside of our control.

Quote:

In this report, we make a number of recommendations for actions to be taken in Iraq, the United States, and the region. Our most important recommendations call for new and enhanced diplomatic and political efforts in Iraq and the region, and a change in the primary mission of U.S. forces in Iraq that will enable the United States to begin to move its combat forces out of Iraq responsibly.
http://graphics8.nytimes.com/package...1206_btext.pdf

I think we have to get the situation under control before any diplomatic efforts will be effective. Also, diplomacy requires a willingness from at least two parties. Nations in the ME have historically been slow to use diplomacy to solve problems.

I don't know what the Biden plan is.

dc_dux 01-16-2007 11:00 AM

Quote:

The Bush plan is better than the Iraq Study Group recommendation because the recommendation includes items outside of our contro
Ace...the Bush plan is totally dependent on items outside of our control, specficially, the will and capacity of Maliki to control the sectarian militias - the SCIRI Badr Brigade and al Sadr and his 50,000+ thuggish militia, the Mahdi Army, that has as much support among Shias as does the fragile government.

From the NY TImes yesterday:
Quote:

Just days after President Bush unveiled a new war plan calling for more than 20,000 additional American troops in Iraq, the heart of the effort — a major push to secure the capital — faces some of its fiercest resistance from the very people it depends on for success: Iraqi government officials.

American military officials have spent days huddled in meetings with Iraqi officers in a race to turn blueprints drawn up in Washington into a plan that will work on the ground in Baghdad. With the first American and Iraqi units dedicated to the plan due to be in place within weeks, time is short for setting details of what American officers view as the decisive battle of the war.

But the signs so far have unnerved some Americans working on the plan, who have described a web of problems — ranging from a contested chain of command to how to protect American troops deployed in some of Baghdad’s most dangerous districts — that some fear could hobble the effort before it begins.

First among the American concerns is a Shiite-led government that has been so dogmatic in its attitude that the Americans worry that they will be frustrated in their aim of cracking down equally on Shiite and Sunni extremists, a strategy President Bush has declared central to the plan.

“We are implementing a strategy to embolden a government that is actually part of the problem,” said an American military official in Baghdad involved in talks over the plan. “We are being played like a pawn.”
...
Compounding American doubts about the government’s willingness to go after Shiite extremists has been a behind-the-scenes struggle over the appointment of the Iraqi officer to fill the key post of operational commander for the Baghdad operation. In face of strong American skepticism, the Iraqi prime minister, Nuri Kamal al-Maliki, has selected an officer from the Shiite heartland of southern Iraq who was virtually unknown to the Americans, and whose hard-edged demands for Iraqi primacy (of command) in the effort has deepened American anxieties.
...
For the Americans, accustomed to clear operational control, the partnership concept is troublesome — full of potential, some officers fear, for dispute with the Iraqis over tough issues like applying an equal hand against Shiite and Sunni gunmen.

full article: http://www.nytimes.com/2007/01/15/wo...in&oref=slogin
And here is the Biden plan again: http://www.planforiraq.com/

aceventura3 01-16-2007 11:32 AM

Quote:

Originally Posted by dc_dux
Ace...the Bush plan is totally dependent on items outside of our control, specficially, the will and capacity of Maliki to control al Sadr and his 50,000+ thuggish militia, the Badr Brigrade that has as much support among Shias as does the fragile government.

I guess the amout of control we have in Bush plan depends on one's perspective. I put my focus on our military being freed to do what an army is designed to do. I again say - we have to get the situation under control. After that, then I think Maliki will be tested. If he fails he will be removed from power, one way or another.

I read the five point Biden plan. It may be the long-term or mid-term solution. I think in the short-term there has to be a strong show of force.

Quote:

Sectarian violence among Shiites, Sunnis and Kurds is now the major impediment to stability and progress in Iraq. No number of troops can solve that problem. The only way to hold Iraq together and create the conditions for our armed forces to responsibly withdraw is to give Shiites, Sunnis and Kurds incentives to pursue their interests peacefully. That requires a sustainable political settlement, which is the primary objective of our plan.

The plan would maintain a unified Iraq by decentralizing it and giving Kurds, Shiites and Sunnis breathing room in their own regions - as provided for in the Iraqi constitution. The central government would be responsible for common interests, like border security and the distribution of oil revenues. We would secure support from the Sunnis - who have no oil -- by guaranteeing them a proportionate share (about 20 percent) of oil revenues. We would increase economic aid, ask the oil-rich Arab Gulf states to fund it and tie all assistance to the protection of minority rights and the creation of a jobs program. We would convene a regional conference to enlist the support of Iraq's neighbors and create a Contact Group of the major powers to enforce their commitments. And we would ask our military to draw up plans to responsibly withdraw most U.S. forces from Iraq by the end of 2007 - enough time for the political settlement to take hold.
I am not sure how Biden determined which incentives to include or exclude, but it seems to me that Shiites, Sunnis, and the Kurds need to determine what they would accept. The question is how do you get them to sit down and talk. My answer is - A show of force to put an end the the chaos. We won't stop all violence, but we can not expect any long-term solutions when the parties are in the current circumstances.

host 01-17-2007 04:34 AM

Quote:

Originally Posted by Mojo_PeiPei
Actually Will Saddam had well documented ties to Palestinian terror groups and Ansar Al-Islam a group with ties to Al Qaeda who operate out of Kurdistan. As for the weapons issue, there have been weapons found, there have been precursors found, there has been evidence found atesting to programs being in place, just because we didn't a million gallons of Anthrax doesn't mean there weren't weapons found......

Apologies in advance for such a loooonnnnng detailed post, but the quote above of your opinion, indicates that you aren't yet grokking the details..so..

Mojo, please consider that there is overwhelming support for my contention that <b>there is nearly a 100 percent probability that you are wrong</b> about Saddam's "well documented ties" to "Ansar Al-Islam a group with ties to Al Qaeda", and about the WMD and WMD programs assertions of Bush, Cheney, and yourself:

Quote:

http://archive.salon.com/politics/wa...awi/index.html
<b>"Taking out Zarqawi"</b>

When Gwen Ifill first asked Dick Cheney about the <a href="http://web.archive.org/web/20041011051926/http://www.reuters.com/newsArticle.jhtml?type=topNews&storyID=6422548">new CIA report</a> delivered to the White House last week that said
there was "no conclusive evidence" that the Saddam Hussein regime had harbored Abu Musab al-Zarqawi -- he dodged the question. But Ifill later returned to the topic, and <a href="http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/politics/debatereferee/debate_1005.html">Cheney had this to say:</a>

"But let's look at what we know about Mr. Zarqawi. We know he was running a terrorist camp, training terrorists in Afghanistan prior to 9/11. We know that when we went into Afghanistan that he then migrated to Baghdad. He set up shop in Baghdad, where he oversaw the poisons facility up at Kermal (ph), where the terrorists were developing ricin and other deadly substances to use."

"We know he's still in Baghdad today. He is responsible for most of the major car bombings that have killed or maimed thousands of people. He's the one you will see on the evening news beheading hostages. He is, without question, a bad guy. He is, without question, a terrorist.

He was, in fact, in Baghdad before the war, and he's in Baghdad now after the war."

"The fact of the matter is that this is exactly the kind of track record we've seen over the years. We have to deal with Zarqawi by taking him out, and that's exactly what we'll do."

But what Cheney didn't mention is that the administration had <a href="http://www.salon.com/politics/war_room/archive.html?day=20040304">several chances to "take out" Zarqawi</a> in the run-up to the Iraq war, but chose not to.
Quote:

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/5329350.stm

Last Updated: Saturday, 9 September 2006, 00:04 GMT 01:04 UK

Iraq war justifications laid bare
By Adam Brookes
BBC News, Washington

The Senate Intelligence Committee has found no evidence of links between the regime of Saddam Hussein and al-Qaeda.

In a report issued on Friday, it also found that was little or no evidence to support a raft f claims made by the US intelligence community concerning Iraq's weapons of mass destruction.

The 400-page report was three years in the making, and is probably the definitive public account of the intelligence used to justify the invasion of Iraq.One starting point is this:

In a poll conducted this month by Opinion Research Corporation for CNN, a sample of American adults was asked: "Do you think Saddam Hussein was personally involved in the 11 September terrorist attacks, or not?"

Forty-three percent of those polled answered yes, they believed Saddam was personally involved.

Even though it is well-established that Saddam Hussein was no ally of al-Qaeda, nor did he possess weapons of mass destruction, the original justifications for the invasion for Iraq inger on, often in ways that have strangely mutated on their journey through politics and media.

<h3>Cheney claims 'untrue'</h3>

In fact, the intelligence agencies had been extremely cautious in suggesting links between Saddam Hussein and al-Qaeda.

It was Vice-President Dick Cheney who asserted most strongly in public that Saddam Hussein's regime and al-Qaeda had an operational relationship.

<b>In a television interview in September 2003, he said there was "a relationship between Iraq and al-Qaeda that stretched back through most of the decade of the '90s... al-Qaeda sent personnel to Baghdad to get trained... the Iraqis providing bomb-making expertise and advice to the al-Qaeda organisation."

It was "clearly official policy" on the part of Iraq, he said.</b>

Friday's report, issued by the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence, provides another definitive statement <b>that that assertion is simply not true.</b>

It says that debriefings conducted since the invasion of Iraq "indicate that Saddam issued a general order that Iraq should not deal with al-Qaeda. No post-war information suggests that the Iraqi regime attempted to facilitate a relationship with [Osama] Bin Laden.

<b>"Saddam Hussein was distrustful of al-Qaeda... refusing all requests from al-Qaeda to provide material or operational support."</b>

Administration confusion

The report supports the intelligence community's finding that Abu Musab al-Zarqawi - the man who was al-Qaeda's chief operative in Iraq between the invasion and his death in June this year - was indeed in Baghdad in 2002.

Saddam Hussein was distrustful of al-Qaeda and viewed Islamic extremists as a threat to his regime, refusing all requests from al-Qaeda to provide material or operational support.

Was this an Iraqi link to al-Qaeda?

<h3>No, says the report. Far from harbouring him, Saddam's regime was trying to find and capture him.</h3>

But the Bush administration has a way, still, of confusing this issue.

<b>As recently as 21 August this year, President Bush said that Saddam "had relations with Zarqawi".</b>
Quote:

http://209.85.165.104/search?q=cache...s&ct=clnk&cd=1
For Immediate Release
Office of the Press Secretary
August 21, 2006

Press Conference by the President
White House Conference Center Briefing Room

....Q Quick follow-up. A lot of the consequences you mentioned for pulling out seem like maybe they never would have been there if we hadn't gone in. How do you square all of that?

THE PRESIDENT: I square it because, imagine a world in which you had Saddam Hussein who had the capacity to make a weapon of mass destruction, who was paying suiciders to kill innocent life, who would -- who had relations with Zarqawi.
<b>Highlighted in blue, near bottom of the page.....</b>
Imagine what the world would be like with him in power. The idea is to try to help change the Middle East.

Now, look, part of the reason we went into Iraq was -- the main reason we went into Iraq at the time was we thought he had weapons of mass destruction. <b>It turns out he didn't, but he had the capacity to make weapons of mass destruction. ......</b>
The Senate report is scathing of the intelligence community's product concerning Iraq's weapons of mass destruction.

"Post-war findings", it reads, "do not support the 2002 National Intelligence Estimate judgement that Iraq was reconstituting its nuclear weapons program."

Nor do "post-war findings" support the 2002 NIE's assertions that Iraq had chemical or biological weapons.

Political fallout

It remains to be seen if the Democrats can use the Senate report to damage the Republican Party in the run-up to Congressional elections in November by reminding the American public of the intelligence debacle that preceded the invasion of Iraq, and ascribing that failure to the leadership of the Bush administration.

It is far from clear they'll be able to do so.The president has been extremely active in the last week, selling his successes in the "war on
terror" in a series of speeches; demanding Congress give him greater powers to fight it; and announcing that the alleged mastermind of the 9/11 attacks will be brought to trial.

The Democratic Party still seems unable to find a concerted critique of President Bush's handling of the "war on terrorism" and the conflict in Iraq, without themselves appearing defeatist.
<h3>During his Aug. 21 ,2006 press conference, Bush falsely said that Saddam "had relations with Zarqawi, and Bush directly contradicted the Duelfer report's finding that Iraq had no plan or capacity to make WMD at the time of the March 2003 US invasion. Cheney, however....chose to tell identical lies on Sept. 10, the day after the BBC article, as well as numerous other reports, made clear that there were no "ties" found between Saddam and Zarqawi / Ansar Al-Islam !</h3>

Quote:

http://www.whitehouse.gov/news/relea.../20060910.html
For Immediate Release
Office of the Vice President
September 10, 2006

Interview of the Vice President by Tim Russert, NBC News, Meet the Press
NBC Studios
Washington, D.C.

......Q The bottom line is the rationale given to the American people was that Saddam had

weapons of mass destruction, and he could give those weapons of mass destruction to al Qaeda,

and we could have another September 11th. And now we read that there is no evidence according

to Senate intelligence committee of that relationship. You said there's no involvement. The

President says there's no involvement --

THE VICE PRESIDENT: Tim, no involvement in what respect?

Q In September 11th, okay? And the CIA said leading up to the war that the possibility of

Saddam using weapons of mass destruction was "low." It appears that there was a deliberate

attempt made by the administration to link al Qaeda in Iraq in the minds of the American

people and use it as a rationale to go into Iraq.

THE VICE PRESIDENT: Tim, I guess -- I'm not sure what part you don't understand here. In 1990,

the State Department designated Iraq as a state sponsor of terror. Abu Nidal, famous

terrorist, had sanctuary in Baghdad for years. Zarqawi was in Baghdad after we took

Afghanistan and before we went into Iraq. You had the facility up at Kermal, a poisons

facility run by an Ansar al-Islam, an affiliate of al Qaeda. You had the fact that Saddam

Hussein, for example, provided payments to the families of suicide bombers of $25,000 on a

regular basis. This was a state sponsor of terror. He had a relationship with terror groups.

No question about it. Nobody denies that.

The evidence we also had at the time was that he had a relationship with al Qaeda. And that

was George Tenet's testimony, the Director of CIA, in front of the Senate intelligence

committee. We also had knowledge of the fact that he had produced and used weapons of mass

destruction. And we know, as well, that while he did not have any production under way at the

time, that he clearly retained the capability. And the expectation from the experts was as

soon as the sanctions were lifted, he'd be back in business again. Now, this was the place

where probably there was a greater prospect of a connection between terrorists on the one hand

and a terror-sponsoring state and weapons of mass destruction than anyplace else. .......
Quote:

http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn...-2004Oct6.html
U.S. 'Almost All Wrong' on Weapons
Report on Iraq Contradicts Bush Administration Claims

By Dana Priest and Walter Pincus
Washington Post Staff Writers
Thursday, October 7, 2004; Page A01

...Charles A. Duelfer, whom the Bush administration chose to complete the U.S. investigation

of Iraq's weapons programs, said Hussein's ability to produce nuclear weapons had

"progressively decayed" since 1991. Inspectors, he said, found no evidence of "concerted

efforts to restart the program."

The findings were similar on biological and chemical weapons. While Hussein had long dreamed

of developing an arsenal of biological agents, his stockpiles had been destroyed and research

stopped years before the United States led the invasion of Iraq in March 2003. Duelfer said

Hussein hoped someday to resume a chemical weapons effort after U.N. sanctions ended, but had

no stocks and had not researched making the weapons for a dozen years.

Duelfer's report, delivered yesterday to two congressional committees, represents the

government's most definitive accounting of Hussein's weapons programs, the assumed strength of

which the Bush administration presented as a central reason for the war. While previous

reports have drawn similar conclusions, Duelfer's assessment went beyond them in depth, detail

and level of certainty.

"We were almost all wrong" on Iraq, Duelfer told a Senate panel yesterday.

President Bush, Vice President Cheney and other top administration officials asserted before

the U.S. invasion that Iraq was reconstituting its nuclear weapons program, had chemical and

biological weapons and maintained links to al Qaeda affiliates to whom it might give such

weapons to use against the United States.

But after extensive interviews with Hussein and his key lieutenants, Duelfer concluded that

Hussein was not motivated by a desire to strike the United States with banned weapons, but

wanted them to enhance his image in the Middle East and to deter Iran, against which Iraq had

fought a devastating eight-year war. Hussein believed that "WMD helped save the regime

multiple times," the report said......

....Hussein, the report concluded, "aspired to develop a nuclear capability" and intended to

work on rebuilding chemical and biological weapons after persuading the United Nations to lift

sanctions. But the report also notes: "The former regime had no formal written strategy or

plan for the revival of WMD after sanctions. Neither was there an identifiable group of WMD

policy makers or planners separate from Saddam" tasked to take this up once sanctions

ended......
<b>Mojo, the following is an excerpt from my Sept. 16, 2006 post, refuting your assertion about Saddam's "ties":</b>
http://www.tfproject.org/tfp/showpos...9&postcount=47

As stated inside the following quote box, there is a link to an early Sept. 2006 post that contains 16 links to articles that support the "notion" that Saddam's regime had no ties with Cheney's "poison camp", and some evidence that the US knew about the "camp" and deliberately allowed it to continue to operate:
Quote:

..In a post earlier this week, here:
http://www.tfproject.org/tfp/showpos...24&postcount=3
I offered at least 16 news reports, many with links, that contradicted VP Cheney's comments, last sunday, to Tim Russert, on national TV, with regard to Cheney's "answer", that invasion of Iraq was justified, because
Quote:

http://www.whitehouse.gov/news/relea.../20060910.html
.....Q Then why in the lead-up to the war was there the constant linkage between Iraq and al Qaeda?

THE VICE PRESIDENT: That's a different issue. Now, there's a question of whether or not al Qaeda -- whether or not Iraq was involved in 9/11; separate and apart from that is the issue of whether or not there was a historic relationship between Iraq and al Qaeda. The basis for that is probably best captured in George Tenet's testimony before the Senate intel committee in open session, where he said specifically that there was a pattern, a relationship that went back at least a decade between Iraq and al Qaeda......
.......we know that Zarqawi, running a terrorist camp in Afghanistan prior to 9/11, after we went into 9/11 -- then fled and went to Baghdad and set up operations in Baghdad in the spring of '02......

.........<b>Zarqawi was in Baghdad after we took Afghanistan and before we went into Iraq. You had the facility up at Kermal, a poisons facility</b> run by an Ansar al-Islam, an affiliate of al Qaeda......
Quote:

http://www.whitehouse.gov/news/relea...0030205-1.html
<img src="http://www.whitehouse.gov/infocus/iraq/images/iraq_header_final.gif">
For Immediate Release
February 5, 2003

U.S. Secretary of State Colin Powell Addresses the U.N. Security Council
..... But what I want to bring to your attention today is the potentially much more sinister nexus between Iraq and the Al Qaida terrorist network, a nexus that combines classic terrorist organizations and modern methods of murder. Iraq today harbors a deadly terrorist network headed by Abu Musab Al-Zarqawi, an associated in collaborator of Osama bin Laden and his Al Qaida lieutenants.

Zarqawi, a Palestinian born in Jordan, fought in the Afghan war more than a decade ago. Returning to Afghanistan in 2000, he oversaw a terrorist training camp. One of his specialities and one of the specialties of this camp is poisons. When our coalition ousted the Taliban, the Zarqaqi network helped establish another poison and explosive training center camp. And this camp is located in northeastern Iraq.
Colin Powell slide 39
<img src="http://www.whitehouse.gov/news/releases/2003/02/powell-slides/images/39-350h.jpg">
Slide 39

POWELL: You see a picture of this camp. ....

..... Zarqawi's activities are not confined to this small corner of north east Iraq. He traveled to Baghdad in May 2002 for medical treatment, staying in the capital of Iraq for two months while he recuperated to fight another day.

During this stay, nearly two dozen extremists converged on Baghdad and established a base of operations there. These Al Qaida affiliates, based in Baghdad, now coordinate the movement of people, money and supplies into and throughout Iraq for his network, and they've now been operating freely in the capital for more than eight months.......
Quote:

http://www.nytimes.com/2003/02/06/in...st/06ANSA.html
C. J. Chivers

Dateline: ERBIL, Iraq, Feb. 5
Threats and Responses: Northern Iraq
Section: A
Publication title: New York Times. (Late Edition (East Coast)). New York, N.Y.: Feb 6, 2003. pg. A.22

Secretary of State Colin L. Powell's assertion today that Islamic extremists were operating a poisons training camp and factory in northern Iraq appeared to surprise Kurdish officials, who greeted the claim with a mix of satisfaction and confusion.

The officials were pleased to hear an American effort to discredit their Islamist enemies, and to sense momentum toward war to unseat Saddam Hussein. But some also wondered if the intelligence Mr. Powell presented to the United Nations Security Council was imprecise.

As part of his presentation to the Security Council, Mr. Powell said a terrorist network run by Abu Musaab al-Zarqawi, an operative of Al Qaeda, had ''helped establish another poison and explosive training center camp, and this camp is located in northeastern Iraq.''

As he spoke, a monitor displayed a photograph with the caption: ''Terrorist Poison and Explosives Factory, Khurmal.''

The network that Mr. Powell referred to appeared to be Ansar al-Islam, an extremist group controlling a small area of northern Iraq. Ansar has been accused of dispatching assassins and suicide bombers, of harboring Qaeda fighters from Afghanistan and of training several hundred local fighters.

The secular Kurdish government has been battling the group since 2001, and, since December, there have been indications that Mr. Zarqawi may have spent time in Ansar's territory last year.

But no Western officials had gone as far with claims of Ansar's danger as Mr. Powell did when he showed a photograph of the Khurmal factory. Mr. Powell also said that Baghdad has a senior official in the ''most senior levels'' of Ansar, a claim apparently intended to build a case that Baghdad is collaborating with Al Qaeda and, by extension, in a chemical factory.

Some here quickly seconded Mr. Powell's opinion. ''We have some information about this lab from agents and from prisoners,'' Kamal Fuad, the Parliament speaker, said.

But Mr. Powell's assertion also produced confusion tonight. One senior Kurdish official, a member of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan who is familiar with the intelligence on Ansar, said he had not heard of the laboratory Mr. Powell displayed.

''I don't know anything about this compound,'' he said.

Kurds also questioned whether Mr. Powell was mistaken, or had mislabeled the photograph. Khurmal, the village named on the photo, is controlled not by Ansar al-Islam but by Komala Islami Kurdistan, a more moderate Islamic group.

The Patriotic Union of Kurdistan, which is allied with Washington and has been hosting an American intelligence team in northern Iraq for several months, maintains relations with Komala. It has been paying $200,000 to $300,000 in aid to the party each month, in an effort to lure Komala's leaders away from Ansar.

So Mr. Powell's photograph raised a question: Is the laboratory in Komala's area, meaning the Kurdish opposition might have inadvertently helped pay for it, or has the United States made a mistake?

''My sources say it is in Beyara,'' one Kurdish official said. ''Not in Khurmal.'' Ansar has a headquarters in Beyara, a village several miles from Khurmal.

Abu Bari Syan, an administrator for Komal Islami Kurdistan, the party that controls Khurmal, took an even stronger stand about Mr. Powell's claim. ''All of it is not true,'' he said.
Quote:

http://www.rcfp.org/behindthehomefro...20030210a.html
Associated Press Newswires
Copyright 2003. The Associated Press. All Rights Reserved.

Saturday, February 8, 2003

Islamic militants show press the camp Powell called poison site
By BORZOU DARAGAHI
Associated Press Writer

SARGAT, Iraq (AP) - U.S. Secretary of State Colin Powell called the
camp in northern Iraq a terrorist poison and explosives training center,
a deadly link in a "sinister nexus" binding Saddam Hussein and al-Qaida.

But journalists who visited the site depicted in Powell's satellite
photo found a half-built cinderblock compound filled with heavily armed
Kurdish men, video equipment and children - but no obvious sign of
chemical weapons manufacturing.

"You can search as you like," said Mohammad Hassan, a spokesman for
the Islamic militant group Ansar al-Islam, which controls the camp and
the surrounding village. "There are no chemical weapons here."

Ansar al-Islam, believed to have ties to al-Qaida, says the camp
serves as its administrative office for Sargat village, living quarters
and a propaganda video studio.....

........During his appearance before the U.N. Security Council on Wednesday,
Powell displayed a satellite photo of this camp, which was identified as
"Terrorist Poison and Explosive Factory, Khurmal."

Powell said the camp was run by al-Qaida fugitives from Afghanistan
who were under the protection of Ansar al-Islam here in the autonomous
Kurdish area of Iraq in a region beyond Saddam Hussein's control.

But Powell maintained that a senior member of Ansar al-Islam was a
Saddam agent, implying a tenuous link between Baghdad and the terrorists
who carried out the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks in the United States.

Western journalists were brought to this camp, with its distinctive
polygon-shaped fencing and nearby hills, by the Islamic Group of
Kurdistan, a moderate Muslim organization which maintains good relations
with Ansar al-Islam.

The compound, accessible by a long dirt road, is in a village of
several hundred people at the base of the massive Zagros mountains
separating Iraq from Iran.

Security appeared lax at the compound, whose jagged barbed-wire
perimeter matched a satellite photograph Powell displayed in his
Security Council presentation.

As evidence that the camp serves as a housing area, child-sized
plastic slippers could be seen in the doorways. A refrigerator had been
turned into a closet and filled with colorful women's clothes. The most
sophisticated equipment seen at the site was the video gear and
makeshift television studio Ansar says it uses to make its propaganda
films.

Ansar officials speculated that Powell was misled in his accusations
of a poison factory by the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan, one of two
parties governing the autonomous northern Kurdish section of Iraq. Ansar
has been at war for two years with the PUK.

"Everything Powell said about us is untrue," said a man calling
himself Ayoub Hawleri. Other Kurds referred to him as Ayoub Afghani, who
manufactures explosives for suicide bombers.

"He was just repeating the PUK's lies," Ayoub said.

The Patriotic Union said Powell's allegations about the poison
laboratory were correct and it was in the Sargat compound in an area
accessible only to those who had come from Afghanistan and had "ties to
al-Qaida." A PUK spokeswoman said Saturday that Ansar could have moved
the facility before the journalists got there.

Though Ansar officials allowed the journalists access to the site,
they did not permit reporters to talk to anyone except two designated
Ansar officials.

Hawleri said he was shocked and surprised after watching Powell's
speech, which said Ansar harbored Abu Musaab al-Zarqawi, a suspected
al-Qaida operative and alleged assassin of U.S. diplomat Laurence Foley
in Jordan last year.

"The first time I even heard of al-Zarqawi was on television," he
said.

The name on the photo Powell showed to the world was Khurmal, a
nearby town that is under the control of Islamic Group of Kurdistan.

Islamic Group denies there is such a camp at Khurmal and believes
Powell's satellite photo evidence misidentified the site's location.

An official at the equivalent of the local social security office
said the Sargat compound is in the district of Biyare, near the town of
Biyare where Ansar has its headquarters.

Before taking journalists to Sargat, Islamic Group took them to
Khurmal to show them the camp was not there.

Group official Fazel Qaradari said he welcomed the large contingent
of Western media to "see for themselves" that there is no such factory
in Khurmal.....
Quote:

http://web.archive.org/web/200306040...alsealarm.html

False Alarm?
Terror Alert Partly Based on Fabricated Information

By Brian Ross and Jill Rackmill
ABCNEWS.com

Feb. 13 [2003]— A key piece of the information leading to recent terror alerts was fabricated, according to two senior law enforcement officials in Washington and New York.

.......It was only after the threat level was elevated to orange — meaning high — last week, that the informant was subjected to a polygraph test by the FBI, officials told ABCNEWS.

"This person did not pass," said Cannistraro.

According to officials, the FBI and the CIA are pointing fingers at each other. An FBI spokesperson told ABCNEWS today he was "not familiar with the scenario," but did not think it was accurate.

Despite the fabricated report, there are no plans to change the threat level. Officials said other intelligence has been validated and that the high level of precautions is fully warranted. .........


aceventura3 01-17-2007 08:00 AM

Quote:

Originally Posted by host
Mojo, please consider that there is overwhelming support for my contention that <b>there is nearly a 100 percent probability that you are wrong</b> about Saddam's "well documented ties" to "Ansar Al-Islam a group with ties to Al Qaeda", and about the WMD and WMD programs assertions of Bush, Cheney, and yourself:

I think this issue is being made more complicated than it needs to be. To me - I look at the fundemental questions - because we may never know all of the facts.

Did Sadaam, Ansar Al-Islam and Al Qaeda have a common enemy?

Was their focus on that enemy greater than their focus on any of their other enemies?

If given the opportunity would they have cooperated against their common enemy?

If you are in battle with one do you have to watch your "6" ("3" and "9") against the others?

So depending on how one answers those questions, second guessing after the fact is pointless. Or, we can simply say you were lied to, when you were not lied to, but that would be a lie too, wouldn't it?

But I am sure you would answer those questions honestly, and if you did - you would see a connection. No, no, no, you say - because we can not prove they had lunch together, or sent each other birthday cards. Now I am getting all confused - how do you define "ties" in this context? Would it be like - them holding hands walking in the park? Text messaging each other on their cell phones? Drawing pictures in their note books of each other with little hearts? Please help clarify.

mixedmedia 01-17-2007 08:15 AM

Quote:

Originally Posted by aceventura3
I think this issue is being made more complicated than it needs to be. To me - I look at the fundemental questions - because we may never know all of the facts.

Did Sadaam, Ansar Al-Islam and Al Qaeda have a common enemy?

Was their focus on that enemy greater than their focus on any of their other enemies?

If given the opportunity would they have cooperated against their common enemy?

If you are in battle with one do you have to watch your "6" ("3" and "9") against the others?

So depending on how one answers those questions, second guessing after the fact is pointless. Or, we can simply say you were lied to, when you were not lied to, but that would be a lie too, wouldn't it?

But I am sure you would answer those questions honestly, and if you did - you would see a connection. No, no, no, you say - because we can not prove they had lunch together, or sent each other birthday cards. Now I am getting all confused - how do you define "ties" in this context? Would it be like - them holding hands walking in the park? Text messaging each other on their cell phones? Drawing pictures in their note books of each other with little hearts? Please help clarify.

The answer to any or all of those questions is hardly a reason to attack a country unprovoked causing the deaths of over a hundred thousand people and unleashing a brutal civil war on their streets.

Being made more complicated than it seems. How can you even bring yourself to type something like that? This is exactly the sort of sentiment that gives Americans the reputation of being obtuse.

aceventura3 01-17-2007 08:32 AM

Quote:

Originally Posted by mixedmedia
The answer to any or all of those questions is hardly a reason to attack a country unprovoked causing the deaths of over a hundred thousand people and unleashing a brutal civil war on their streets.

Let's be fair. In previous posts I gave the reasons why I support the war in Iraq. This is a different question. The US military is not responsible for hundreds of thousands of people dead. Today the UN released a report saying the Iraqi death toll was about 34,000 in 2006, the headline in my local paper blamed Bush's invasion. I was shocked. Terrorists make a choice to kill women, children, elderly, red cross workers, and other non-military personnel - but we get blamed like we are forcing people to kill their fellow country men and women.

Quote:

Being made more complicated than it seems. How can you even bring yourself to type something like that? This is exactly the sort of sentiment that gives Americans the reputation of being obtuse.
It is not difficult. When people say they want to kill me, my family, friends - simply because of our national origin - it is pretty simple and I take it serious. Don't you?

Willravel 01-17-2007 08:36 AM

Quote:

Originally Posted by aceventura3
It is not difficult. When people say they want to kill me, my family, friends - simply because of our national origin - it is pretty simple and I take it serious. Don't you?

"When PEOPLE say they want to kill me.." What people? You think farmers in Iraq really want to kill you and your family? They don't give a crap about you just like you don't give a crap about them. They hate our government, not our people. You haven't dropped thusands of bombs on them. You didn't invade them. You aren't arresting people and holding them without trial. You're just supposrting the people that do that.

mixedmedia 01-17-2007 08:41 AM

Quote:

Originally Posted by aceventura3
Let's be fair. In previous posts I gave the reasons why I support the war in Iraq. This is a different question. The US military is not responsible for hundreds of thousands of people dead. Today the UN released a report saying the Iraqi death toll was about 34,000 in 2006, the headline in my local paper blamed Bush's invasion. I was shocked. Terrorists make a choice to kill women, children, elderly, red cross workers, and other non-military personnel - but we get blamed like we are forcing people to kill their fellow country men and women.

We are to blame for invading and crippling the social structure that kept this violence at bay. It is our war, our responsibility and we are to blame.

Quote:

It is not difficult. When people say they want to kill me, my family, friends - simply because of our national origin - it is pretty simple and I take it serious. Don't you?
Who in Iraq vowed to kill you, your family and friends?

Flimsy rhetoric finds no purchase here. Sorry. Save it for the water cooler. :p


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