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Old 11-21-2004, 10:50 PM   #52 (permalink)
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Quote:
Originally Posted by Sen
Regardless of the rest of the statement made above, this particular section seems to me to be extremely condecending. I think this would be offensive to the many, many minorities that live in GA. Have you been to Atlanta lately? To suggest that only caucasians are "social conservatives" is not to understand the demographics of our country. True, the vast majority of African Americans vote Democrat, but I would also venture to say they support gay marriage bans. I have many African American friends that are Dems, but are socially conservative.
Yeah....Atlanta schools are a compelling example.......
Quote:
Copyright 2003 The Atlanta Journal-Constitution
The Atlanta Journal and Constitution

June 22, 2003 Sunday Home Edition

SECTION: @issue; Pg. 1E

LENGTH: 1789 words

HEADLINE: black SCHOOLS white SCHOOLS;
With court-ordered busing fading and races choosing to live separately, classrooms are heading back to where they started --- segregated

BYLINE: MAUREEN DOWNEY

SOURCE: AJC

BODY:
Are segregated classrooms more acceptable when they are by choice rather than law?

The growing demand among black and white parents for "neighborhood" schools, coupled with metro Atlanta's residential segregation, means that fewer and fewer children experience integrated classrooms. This increasing racial isolation in schools is called resegregation.

It's happening fastest in the South, according to the Civil Rights Project at Harvard University. Once willing to make sacrifices for integration, both white and black parents now question the costs of sending their children across town for the sake of diversity.

The courts, too, have lost their will to compel integration. The U.S. District Court this month released Fulton County schools from a 34-year-old desegregation decree.

As part of the court settlement between the county and black parents, the district will slowly phase out a minority-to-majority busing program that transported black students in south Fulton to higher-performing, predominantly white schools in north Fulton. The final year of the phase-out will be the 2011-2012 school year to accommodate students currently in the "m-to-m" program, says Chinh Quang Le, assistant counsel for the NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund.

Fulton was the last metro system under a race-based desegregation order, and its release ends all federal supervision of school integration efforts in the area. "The courts are increasingly less sympathetic to reasons for maintaining a court order over a school system," says Le. Despite the dreams of U.S. Supreme Court Justice Thurgood Marshall, court-ordered school desegregation never fostered full community integration.

"Our nation, I fear, will be ill served by the court's refusal to remedy separate and unequal education, for unless our children begin to learn together, there is little hope that our people will ever learn to live together," wrote Marshall in his dissent of a 1974 Supreme Court decision. That decision effectively blocked drawing from heavily white suburbs to integrate city districts with high minority populations.

In a prophetic passage, Marshall warned, "In the short run, it may seem to be the easier of course to allow our great metropolitan areas to be divided up each into two cities --- one white, the other black --- but it is a course, I predict, our people will ultimately regret."

The white flight forecast by Marshall is apparent in Clayton, the county that Harvard researchers found is experiencing the fastest resegregation nationwide. Today, white students in Clayton County schools constitute 17 percent of the 48,000 students. Twenty years ago, whites made up 66 percent of the student body.

The percentages reflect the county's racial shift from white to black. Twenty years ago, Clayton County was 92 percent white; today it's 37.9 percent white.

Gary Orfield, co-director of Harvard's Civil Rights Project and author of several books on race and education, says metro Atlanta's suburban residential segregation is the driving force behind its school resegregation.

Even in urban DeKalb and Fulton, black people tend to live in the south and white people in the north. "When we moved to south Fulton 20 years ago, the school down the street was all white," says Eddie Martin, an African-American parent in south Fulton whose two children rise at 5 a.m. to travel across town to north Fulton schools. "Now, the school is totally black."
<h3>
Another factor in resegregation is private school enrollment. Between 1960 and 1999, private school enrollment fell everywhere in the United States, with two exceptions: the South and the nation's southwestern border states.

While the city of Atlanta's population is 33 percent white, only 7 percent of its public school students are white. And though Avondale Estates in DeKalb is 88.8 percent white, Avondale High School is just 5 percent white. The numbers reflect the choice by many white parents in Atlanta and Avondale for private education for their children.</h3>

"If left up to the communities, we will migrate back to all-black and all-white schools. I think school integration has become a lost cause," says Martin.

The rising resegregation of schools comes at a time when the United States is on the brink of a seismic demographic shift from a predominantly white population to a multiracial one.
<h3>
"White people who grow up in racially isolated schools, however excellent, are increasingly going to be out of step in the world in which they are going to live," says Jack Boger, deputy director of the University of North Carolina Center for Civil Rights.

As Southern schools resegregate, they are becoming more consolidated in their poverty. Almost a third of black and Latino children live in poverty, compared with 13 percent of white children.</h3>

Divisions along socioeconomic lines produce the same results as divisions along racial lines: More than two-thirds of black and Latino students sit mostly beside other students of color in their classes.

Middle-class parents often purchase homes because of the schools, and a top-scoring district enhances real estate prices. As a result, less affluent families can't afford to buy their way into the best schools. Parents paying a lot to live near quality schools oppose tinkering with attendance lines for racial balance.

And parents certainly don't want their children riding a bus for 45 minutes for an ideal they no longer believe is relevant. White parents, however, have been willing to abandon their neighborhood schools if the alternative is an academic magnet such as the award-winning Kittredge in DeKalb.

Even politically liberal Decatur --- the Berkeley of Georgia based on its voting record and well-educated citizenry --- resisted any combining of the seven small elementary schools within its 4.2 square miles.

A pairing plan had been suggested in response to the declining enrollments in Decatur's mainly African-American schools. In the race-conscious debate that ensued, white parents succeeded in preserving "neighborhood" schools, even though the partner school was a mere 1.08 miles down the road.

The parents had legitimate reasons: Their school posted higher test scores and had more parental involvement than its predominantly African-American counterpart, where 60 percent of the students were poor enough to qualify for free and reduced lunches.

It's those very factors --- the stronger academic environments and involved parent base --- that make middle-class schools better learning environments for all kids.

Research shows that low-income children attain higher academic performance when they attend classes with middle-class peers. Many experts now suggest that socioeconomic desegregation --- either through public school choice or mandatory assignments --- ought to be the next civil rights battlefront...................................................
<a href="http://www.kirwaninstitute.org/news/articles/ajc062203.html">http://www.kirwaninstitute.org/news/articles/ajc062203.html</a>

Last edited by host; 11-21-2004 at 10:55 PM..
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